The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.

Union States in 1863, Part 2: Minnesota through Territories

MINNESOTA, a Northwestern State of the American Union, organized as a territory March 3d, 1849, and admitted into the Union as a State in 1857. Its area is 88,531 square miles. Population in 1860,173,855. An election was held for State officers and Legislature in October, 1863, and the Republican and Union ticket was elected; Samuel Miller, the Union candidate, receiving 19,616 votes, and H. T. Welles, the Democratic candidate, 12,777. The Legislature stands as follows: Senate—Republican Union, 16; Democrats, 4; Union Democrat, 1. Home—Republican Union, 27; Democrats, 11; Union Democrats, 4. The receipts into the State Treasury (including a balance on hand December 1st, 1862), for the year ending December 1st, 1863, were $695,865. The expenditures for the same period were $576,539, leaving an unexpended balance of $119,326. The State debt is $350,000, $250,000 of which are in 8 per cent, bonds, and $100,000 in 7 per cent, bonds. The U. S. Government paid $200,000 to the State on account of the Indian war of the previous year. The State valuation for the tax levy of 1863 was $30,000,000, and a tax of 4$ mills was levied on it—2t mills for State revenue, and 2 mills for interest on State loans. Minnesota is a young State, and has had so serious experience in civil war and war with the Indians that her educational and benevolent institutions have as yet made but little progress. Her school system is not yet in good working order, though she is destined to have a school fund as ample as any in the Union. There are several colleges, but as yet they are only in a rudimentary state. A slight provision has been made for the insane, but none for the deaf and dumb, the blind, or the idiotic.

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t Consolidated under General Grant

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The State has done its fall part for the war. Up to the 30th of November 1863, it had furnished the following troops: 10 regiments of infantry, 9,053 men; 2 regiments of cavalry (one a twelve-months regiment), 1,556 men; three companies of cavalry attached to 5th Iowa cavalry, 271; one mounted battalion for Indian war, 287; two batteries of light artillery, 298; one company of sharpshooters, 103; recruits for these regiments and companies, 666; men from Minnesota drafted in other States but credited to Minnesota, 37; one regiment of three-months men, 930; making a total of 13,201 men, or nearly one in thirteen of the inhabitants. Omitting the three-months men and reducing the twelve-months cavalry to three-years men, the aggregate of three-years men furnished by the State is 11,549. In addition to these troops, 2,779 volunteers were raised for the defence of the State in the Indian war of 1862, and a considerable number in the war of 1863.

Minnesota again experienced trouble with the Indians in the summer of 18118, though there was no general massacre like that of August and September, 1862. Although the frontier was guarded by a force of 2,000 men, yet the Indians of Little Crow's band, in companies of half a dozen or more, penetrated within the lines and even approached to within a few miles of St. Paul. They had murdered, before the first of July, about thirty persons, and about a dozen Indians had been killed. This prowling of the Indians through the State kept the entire body of citizens in a constant condition of excitement and anxiety, and the military authorities were bitterly denounced for their supposed inactivity.

General Sibley, who was in immediate command on the frontier, was not, however, so remiss in his duty as the complaining parties supposed. He had kept constant watch, by moans of his spies, of all the movements of the Indians from the time of their defeat in the autumn of 1862. He knew that these marauding bands composed but a small part of the Indian force; that the main body of that force was still in Dakota Territory; that Little Crow had endeavored to enlist the other tribes in a general war against the whites, but had been unsuccessful; that he bad in the spring visited St. Joseph and Fort Garry in the British possessions, and asked for a grant of land to settle with his band and the other Indians who had been concerned in the massacre, and had been refused; that he had gone a second time and asked for ammunition, and had been refused that also. The great body of the insurgent Indians, General Sibley had ascertained, were in the vicinity of Miniwakan or Devil's lake, a salt lake nearly five hundred miles northwest from St. Paul. The number of Indians gathered here, including women and children, was not far from five thousand, the greater part of them belonging to the Minnesota tribes of Sioux, to whom had been added perhaps one thousand Yanktonais Sioux.

In the early part of June General Sibley, with a force of between two and three thousand men, set out for Devil's lake by way of the Minnesota river and Fort Abercrombie. About the same time General Pope sent General Sully, an officer of the regular army who had had large experience as an Indian fighter, from Sioux City up the Missouri river to cut off the retreat of the hostile Indians whom General Sibley might drive before him from Minnesota and Eastern Dakota, and eventually to form a junction with Sibley. The two movements were not accurately timed and no junction was effected. While these two expeditions were making their toilsome progress over the plains scorched by the terrible heat of the summer, and suffering from the intense drought, which more than once threatened to destroy their horses and cattle, the Indian leader, Little Crow, who, accompanied by one of his sons, had ventured within the lines in the neighborhood of Hutchinson, Minnesota, was killed by a settler named Lampson, but his body was not recognized with certainty till nearly a month later. His eldest son succeeded him as chief of the insurgent Indians.

General Sibley pursued his line of march, encountering but few Indians, and these generally flying before him, some into British territory, but the greater part retreating toward the Missouri river, whither, as rapidly as his train and troops, greatly distressed by the heat and drought, could move, he pursued them. Arriving at Big Mound near a lake on the western base of the hills of the Coteau du Missouri, on the 24th of July General Sibley first encountered the Indians in force, and after a sharp action, begun on their part by the treacherous murder of a surgeon who approached them to meet a flag of truce, they fled, and were pursued about ten miles across the prairie. Sibley's loss in this battle was four killed and ono wounded. The Indians lost heavily and abandoned the greater part of their wagons and stores. On the 26th at Dead Buffalo lake, the Indians made a dash at the horses and mules of the command, but were repulsed with great promptness and a considerable number of them slain. On the morning of the 28th of July they had another skirmish with the Indians at Stony lake, in which the whites suffered no loss but several Indians were killed. On the 29th General Sibley's force reached the banks of the Missouri, in lat. 46° 42', Ion. 100° 35', but had the mortification to find that the Indians had made good their escape across the Missouri, and were posted upon the opposite bank. They had abandoned almost all their provisions, and were evidently disabled from doing any further serious mischief. General Sully had not been heard from, and as General Sibley had but fifteen days rations, and no hope of obtaining more till he reached the settlement, almost four hundred miles distant, he reluctantly abandoned the pursuit and turned his face .eastward. In these successive battles the loss of the Indians had Page 649 not less than one hundred and twenty killed and a considerable number wounded. The loss of the white troops had been seven killed, only four of them, however in battle, and three wounded. The distance marched was 585 miles from St. Paul.

From some unexplained cause General Sully did not reach the Upper Missouri till a month later. On the 3d of September he encountered a considerable force of Indians at White Stone Hill, about 130 miles above the Little Cheyenne river, and 80 or 40 below the point where they crossed in July. A part of those encountered had been engaged in the battles with Sibley. A sanguinary battle ensued, resulting in the complete defeat of the savages, who lost a large number in killed and wounded, and 156 prisoners. Sully's loss was 20 killed and 38 wounded. Measures have since been taken for removing the Indian tribes now holding reservations in Minnesota, westward to reservations around the head waters of the Missouri. The Winnebagoes have already been removed, and the Chippewas and Sioux are to follow. This accomplished and Minnesota will soon take the position which belongs to it among the States of the Northwest.

MISSOURI. The military operations in the State of Missouri were of little national importance during 1868. (See Army Operations.) The movements toward emancipation created great excitement, and form the chief subject of interest. The State Convention, originally convened for the purpose of passing an ordinance of secession, had adjourned from time to time, but was controlled by Union men. The friends of secession mostly retired, and their places were partly filled by Union men. In 1862 it passed an ordinance continuing the State officers which it had previously elected in office Page 653 until the election in 1864. The subject of compensated emancipation was discussed in that body without any decided action. A Legislature was elected in November of the same year and assembled in December. Although, at this session, this body did not pass a joint resolution or an act, making it the duty of the governor to call the State Convention together for the purpose of considering a plan of emancipation of the slaves within the State, yet lie judged that their proceedings sufficiently indicated a wish that the convention should be convened for that purpose. He accordingly called the convention to assemble on June 15th, 1863.

After the adjournment of the Legislature in the beginning of 1863, affairs remained quiet until the election in the city of St. Louis. This was carried by the unconditional Union men, or radicals, by a large majority. This indicated a change in the sentiment of the people on the subject of emancipation. It led to apprehensions on the part of the conservatives lest the change should extend to the interior of the State, and thus give the radicals a controlling voice and lead to speedy emancipation. To prevent this result, not by open and decided resistance, but by diversion, Governor Gamble issued the call for the adjourned State Convention to reassemble in June to consult and net on the subject of slave emancipation, as it was of the highest importance for the interest of the State that some scheme should be adopted.

About the 1st of May General Curtis, in command of the Department of Missouri, was removed and General J. M. Schofield appointed to his place. The occasion for this removal was thus explained by President Lincoln:

Executive Mansion,

Washington, May 21st, 1863. 

General J. M. Schofield:

Dear Sir: Having removed General Curtis and assigned you to the command of the Department of the Missouri, I think it may be of some advantage for me to state to you why I did it. I did not relieve General Curtis because of my full conviction that he had done wrong by commission or omission. I did it because of a conviction in my mind, that the Union men of Missouri constituting, when united, a vast majority of the whole people, have entered into a pestilent factional quarrel among themselves, General Curtis, perhaps not of» choice, being the head of one faction, and Governor Gamble that of the other. After months of labor to reconcile the difficulty, it seemed to grow worse and worse, until I felt it my duty to break it up somehow; and as I could not remove Governor Gamble, I had to remove General Curtis. Now that you are in the position, I wish you to undo nothing merely because General Curtis or Governor Gamble did it, but to exercise your own judgment and do right for the public interest. Let your military measures be strong enough to repel the invaders and keep the peace, and not so strong as to unnecessarily harass ana persecute the people. It is a difficult rule, and so much greater will be the honor if you perform it well. If both factions, or neither, snail abuse you, you will probably be about right. Beware of being assailed by one and praised by the other.

Yours, truly,

A. LINCOLN.

At this time delegations were sent on to Washington from each party to confer with the President. Ex-Governor King, a conservative, in a speech at Lexington on May 23d, thus spoke of his interview with President Lincoln:

The President said he could sum it all up in a few words, which was: "That Governor Gamble was a conservative man." He (the President) then related an anecdote about killing a snake. He said that if he met a rattlesnake in his path, and he had a stick in his hand, his first impression would be to kill it; but if he found one in the bed between his children he would pursue a different course, for by killing the snake he may injure the children; therefore he would take a more gentle way to get the snake out before he killed it. The same with slavery; he was satisfied that immediate emancipation would be detrimental to the interest of the State.

Mr. James Taussig, a delegate from the German radicals in St. Louis, later in the same month, thus reports his interview with President Lincoln. The President said that—

The dissensions between Union men in Missouri are due solely to a factious spirit which is exceedingly reprehensible. The two parties "ought to have their beads knocked together. —" Either would rather see the defeat of their adversary than that of Jefferson Davis." To this spirit of faction is to be ascribed the failure of the Legislature to elect Senators, and the defeat of the Missouri Aid Bill in Congress, the passage of which the President strongly desired.

The President said that the Union men in Missouri who are in favor of gradual emancipation represented his views better than those who are in favor of immediate emancipation. In explanation of his views on this subject, the President said that in his speeches be bad frequently used as an illustration the case of a man who had an excrescence on the back of his neck, the removal of which, in one operation, would result in the death of the patient, while " tinkering it off by degrees" would preserve life. Although sorely tempted, did not reply with the illustration of the dog whose tail was amputated by inches, but confined myself to arguments.

The President announced clearly that, as far as he was at present advised, the radicals in Missouri had no right to consider themselves the exponents of his views on the subject of emancipation in that State.

During the month of May a considerable number of disloyal persons were sent south. Those who had families were allowed to take a thousand dollars, and all others two hundred dollars each. The property of these persons was appropriated for the benefit of sick and wounded soldiers.

A respectable writer thus describes the state of affairs in Missouri about the 1st of June:

I had occasion to visit the southeastern, central and extreme northwestern counties,—passing on my return along the fertile country of the Hannibal and St Joseph railroad.

Everybody was talking of the emancipation question. I was led to think that the convention would probably adopt a gradual system. The difficulty about immediate emancipation seemed to be that there were no funds for compensating the loyal owners. If these funds were at hand, I do not think there would be any considerable hesitation about the matter. The slaves are constantly escaping. It is felt as an act of grace, for the most part, that any able-bodied male slaves remain; and the only question with the slave owner is, whether he shall lose bis slaves and get nothing, or emancipate and be paid for them. The substantial dissolution of the tie between master and slave is already accomplished; there is no loyal slaveholder,

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I think, who is not an advocate of emancipation ; radicals and conservatives all agree in this.

The slave owner would gladly exchange property held by a tenure so precarious, and so little vendible at the present time, for anything of half of the market value it bore before the war broke out. And so, in fact, I was assured by a gentleman of high military position, a member of the last Legislature and of the present convention; be stated that the last State Legislature (which was hopelessly and about equal y divided, triangularly, between conservative and radical emancipationists and the opponents of any emancipation) would instantly have found a majority for immediate emancipation, if Congress had appropriated either of the sums named for promoting emancipation in Missouri. This gentleman himself was an advocate of a gradual system. they say that Missouri herself is too poor to do anything, ana her paper too much depreciated.

The class of men who oppose any interference with slavery, are probably that very considerable class of slave owners, of doubtful loyalty, who sit at home and sulk, under the double restraint of the oath of allegiance and a very stringent bond to compel its enforcement. I talked with one of this class, a very friendly and sensible man, but perfectly unreasonable upon this subject, who thought the Government had no right to touch the negroes of the rebels, even in the cotton States. This same man had just lost two capital negros, and had been up to Lexington, fruitlessly, to hunt them up; he was much incensed at the unresponsive attitude of the military authorities there; bo could get no satisfaction.

There were eighteen regiments of mounted State militia posted at various points about the State when I was there, and these were mainly on the side of the negroes. A lieutenant told me that he met a party of seventy or eighty negroes near Chapel Hill, on their way to Kansas, piloted by two of the State militia. He and bis party were on a scout, and bearing that bushwhackers were after the negroes, they went after the bushwhackers. But, at the same time, I found the greatest contempt for the capacity of the negroes expressed on all hands.

The loyal men, for the most part, oppose slavery, or assent to the opposition, for other reasons than that of justice to the negro or a favorable opinion of his natural rights or capabilities. They say he will not fight. "I will agree," said one very intelligent and very loyal slave owner, "to take five hundred white men and disperse twenty-five hundred of them anywhere. Go up to them and glare at them," said he, with a vigorous gesture, "and they will knuckle, sir, you may depend upon it" People out here did not object to enisling black troops on any other ground.

I should give you but a poor idea of Missouri, if I omitted to speak of the guerillas, who infest the central and western parts of the State, and occupy the thoughts of everybody. The block houses, and the guard at every bridge on every railroad,—even so far north as the Hannibal and St. Joseph line, remind one of them constantly. Along the Missouri river -counties, and generally on the south of that river, a traveller asses no day without a reasonable apprehension of being shot or robbed by them. The soldiers are constantly hunting them, but they bring perpetual anxiety and danger to every loyal household, outside of the large towns where soldiers are permanently stationed. Much of this fear is panic,' it is true; but much of it is reasonable.

There is no loyalty so seasoned and thoroughly trustworthy as that of the original Union men in these regions. The distinction of "conservative" and "radical" touches only their State politics. The loyal people present a solid front to the rebels.

On the 15th of June the State Convention reassembled. Governor Gamble sent in a message expressing his views on the subject of emancipation, asserting that the enrolled militia were adequate to preserve peace within the State, At. Several plans of emancipation were immediately proposed, looking to the emancipation of all slaves within a few months, perpetually prohibiting slavery in the State, and proposing a system of apprenticeship fur the slaves so emancipated for such period as might be sufficient to avoid any inconvenience to the interests connected with slave labor, and to prepare the emancipated blacks for complete freedom. They were referred to a committee on emancipation. On the 28d, the majority of the committee reported the following ordinance of emancipation:

Sec. 1. The first and second clauses of the twenty-sixth section of the third article of the constitution are hereby abrogated.

Sec. 2. That slavery or involuntary servitude, except in punishment of crime, shall cease to exist in Missouri on the 4th of July, 1870, and all slaves within the State on that day are hereby declared to be free: Provided, however.. That all persons emancipated by this ordinance shall remain under the control tad be subject to their late owners, or their legal representatives, as servants during the following period, to wit: Those over forty years of age, for and during their lives; those under twelve, until they arrive at the ace of twenty-three; and those of all other ages, until its 4th of July, 1870. The persons or their legal representatives, who, up to the moment of emancipation, were owners of slaves hereby freed, shall, during the period for which the services of such freedmen are reserved to them, have the same authority and control over the said freedmen for the purpose of recti'ins the possessions and services of the same that are now held by the master in respect of his slaves:, however. That after the said 4th of July, 1870, no person so held to service shall be sold to non-residents or removed from the State by authority of his owner or his legal representative.

Sec. 3. All slaves hereafter brought into the State and not now belonging to citizens of the State shall thereupon be free.

Sec. 4. All slaves removed by consent of their owners to any seceded State after the passage by such State of an act or ordinance of secession, and thereafter brought into the State by their owners, shall thereupon be free.

Sec 5. The general assembly shall have no power to pass laws to emancipate slaves without the cornea! of their owners.

Sec. 6. After the passage of this ordinance no dare in this State shall be subject to State, county, or municipal taxes.

A minority report was also submitted which proposed to abrogate the same clauses of the State Constitution as the above ordinance and declaring slavery to be abolished on the 1st of July ensuing. It provided that the slaves and their issue should be apprenticed to their former owners until the 4th of July 1870, and required the Legislature to pa* laws regulating the relation between said apprentices and their masters, to secure to them humane treatment and necessary education; and provided against the importation of immigration of any negro or mulatto into BJ State, &c. The ordinance was laid over until the next day.

Governor Gamble in his message to the convention tendered his resignation as governor, a resolution was now offered providing for an election of the State officers by the people.

Page 655  To this a substitute was offered requesting Governor Gamble to withdraw his resignation and continue to discharge the duties of governor. The substitute was accepted by a vote of yeas 47, nays 84, and then adopted by a vote of yea3 51, nays 29.

The ordinance of emancipation was subsequently passed in the form in which it was reported, and the convention adjourned on July 1st. Thus was adopted an ordinance of emancipation by one of the State Conventions originally called for the purpose of passing an ordinance of secession from the Union.

The governor in his message to the Legislature early in January, 1864, thus refers to this ordinance of emancipation:

After a full discussion of the subject of Emancipation, an ordinance was adopted which will relieve the State from chattel slavery on the fourth day of July, 1S70, with such provisions for service to be rendered by the emancipated slaves, as justice and humanity appeared to the convention to require. Although the ordinance, as adopted by the convention, is not, in all its different provisions, such as I myself approved, and probably not such as a majority of the Convention would have approved, yet as the subject is ono which has always produced a diversity of opinion in regard to details among those who are the most earnest friends of Emancipation, the ordinance, ns passed, was accepted by a majority of the friends of Emancipation as the best measure that could be agreed upon.

It cannot be expected of me that I shall enter into a vindication of the ordinance in all its details, as I voted in the Convention against some of its provisions; still, I accepted it as a measure that will, in a brief period, accomplish the great object to be obtained in making Missouri a free State.

I am aware that there are many who seize upon particular provisions of the ordinance as a ground of objection to the whole measure, while others express apprehensions that the delay in its taking effect, exposes the whole measure to the danger of repeal. I am persuaded that no intelligent body of the friends of emancipation who look at the subject in all its different bearings, with the eyes of justice and humanity can ever be assembled without finding themselves differing in opinion about details, and therefore it is no solid objection to a plan of emancipation that some of its details satisfy some of the friends of emancipation, while they dissatisfy others. As to the supposed danger of a repeal of the measure adopted, I regard it as altogether imaginary. I am fully persuaded that those interested in slave property in the State, in view of the great insecurity of such property, will never seek to disturb the measure as adopted, and no others have any interest in doing so; and thus I believe the measure will go quietly into operation and the State be relieved from all the evils of slavery. If I am right in this belief, the further agitation of the subject of emancipation, while it may promote the organization of political parties and keep up a contest for office, will contribute neither to the peace nor the prosperity of the State.

After the adjournment of the convention a meeting was held in St. Louis by those opposed to the scheme of emancipation adopted by the convention, to the exemption of slave property from taxation, to the postponement of the 8tate election, &c. Resolutions were adopted declaring these views, and looking to the next Legislature to call a new convention. An active canvass for the support of these views was now made by the unconditional Union men, or Radical Emancipationists, as they were called, which resulted in the assembling o. a convention representing their views. This body met at Jefferson City on September 1st, and consisted of delegates from four fifths of the counties of the State. The following platform was reported by the Committee on Resolutions, and adopted:

First. Sustaining the Government in a vigorous prosecution of the war to complete the final suppression of the rebellion.

Second. Denouncing the military policy pursued in the State, and the delegation by the General Government of the military power to a provisional State organization, the whole tendency of which is to throw ack the people under the control of the pro slavery party, and by reactionary influences to paralyze the Federal power in suppressing the rebellion, to prolong a reign of terror throughout a large section of the State, and extend aid and comfort to those who are meditating hostility to the national authority in other States.

Third. Endorsing the President's emancipation proclamation and asking for its prompt execution, declaring that they will support no one not pledged to its principles; believing that those liberated under it cannot be reduced to slavery, and refusing to sustain any reorganization of the country that does not embody the freedom principles therein contained.

Fourth. Referring to the French influence in Mexico, and calling on the General Government to resist it.

 Fifth. Arraigning the Provisional Government as untrue to the loyal people of the State, and giving eight reasons therefor.

Sixth. Demanding immediate emancipation in Missouri.

Seventh. Favoring a constitutional amendment to disfranchise all who have taken up arms against the Government or adhered to the enemies thereof.

Eighth. Demanding that the Legislature call a new State convention, to take into consideration the grievances under which the State now labors, and in case of their refusal nothing can stop the right of the people to act in the matter.

Resolutions were also passed requesting the Union men of Illinois and Kentucky to unite with the convention in an appeal to President Lincoln; also requesting Governor Gamble and Lieut.-Governor Hall to resign, and the President to remove General Schofield; also denouncing Quantrell's raid on Lawrence, and expressing the warmest sympathies with the survivors of the massacre; inviting all lovers of "free labor, free soil, and free speech" to seek homes in Missouri, and guaranteeing them protection; thanking the gallant soldiers of Missouri; thanking the President for arming negroes to kill rebels; warning the members of the Legislature against disregarding the will of the people; and requesting the radical members of the Legislature to vote for B. Gratz Brown and Benjamin Loan for United States Senators; also instructing the State executive committee of the emancipation party to prepare a public address calling upon the people to form a State organization and a central organization of the United States to give efficacy and power to reforms in our federal relations. The following resolutions were also adopted:

Resolved, That we respectfully demand of General Schofield permission to recruit negroes belonging to disloyalists of this State. That as the exigencies of the times indicate a change of commanders in the department, we appoint a committee to draft a memorial, which shall be signed by the members of this convention, requesting the President to assign General Butler or some other suitable man to command this department. That we regard the President's proclamation of January, 1863, irrevocable, and we request our legislature, senators, and representatives of Congress, to use their utmost endeavors to have our national constitution amended, prohibiting slavery forever, in States now free, or hereafter applying for admission into the Union.

Resolved, That in view of the serious complications arising out of hostilities on the part of the Provisional State Government to the national authority and national policy, and the absence of protection from the inroads of guerillas, we hereby instruct the present convention to appoint a general committee of public safety, composed of one from each congressional district, whose duty it shall be to confer with the loyal men of the State, to organize and arm them for protection; and in the event of no relief being obtained from our present troubles, to call upon the people of the State to act in their sovereign capacity, and take such measures of redress as shall be deemed necessary.

A committee of one from each county was also appointed to visit Washington and lay before the President their grievances. Candidates for judges were also nominated.

Aside from the forces under the command of General Schofield, the military power of the State was in the hands of Governor Gamble. There were in the State two bodies of soldiery known as the Missouri militia. These were designated by the terms "Missouri State militia" and "enrolled Missouri militia." The first were volunteer troops enlisted in the service of the United States, and supported by the Federal Government. Their distinctive feature was that they were intended exclusively for the protection of the State, and the governor could, at his discretion, remove from office all officers, and could accept resignations tendered by officers. Ten regiments of this force were kept in service under the commanding general of the department. The "enrolled Missouri militia" was an entirely different force, organized by order of the governor, controlled by him, and at no time subject to the orders of any United States officer, except the governor thought proper to make them so. This force was enrolled in the summer of 1862, and kept up at the expense of the State when in active service.

On the 30th of December, 1862, Governor Gamble issued General Order, No. 60, in the following words:

The enrolled militia are under the exclusive command of their own officers, except when they are by express orders placed under the command of United States officers, and they will be governed only by such orders as may be issued from these headquarters. If, therefore, any officers of the enrolled militia are engaged in making assessments, in pursuance of orders from United States commanders, they will immediately suspend all action under said orders.

In consequence of this order, the provost marshal-general of Missouri and his assistants, were denied the aid of the enrolled militia in enforcing their orders.

On the 23d of April, 1863, Governor Gamble issued General Order, No. 14, in the following words:

Hereafter no enlistments will be allowed from any organization of enrolled Missouri militia into the volunteer service of the United States, when such militia shall have been detailed for active service, and shall have been embodied as a force in the field.

These orders were issued while General Curtis was in command of the Department of Missouri. The number of the enrolled militia, thoroughly organized for instant service, was 52,056 fighting men.

On the 24th of May, General Schofield took command of the department, and on the 29th, Governor Gamble issued the following order:

The command of the enrolled militia, now in active service within the State, including the provisional regiments, is conferred upon Major-General John M. Schofield, commanding the Department of the Missouri.

So long as General Schofield and Governor Gamble were in authority, the provost-marshals could not receive aid from the local militia without the consent of the former, neither could the unconditional Union men use this force to assist them in suppressing everything which looked like sympathy with treason.

The committee appointed by the Unconditional Union Convention, proceeded to Washington for an interview with President Lincoln. The substance of their address, made on the 30th of September to the President, was in these words:

It is in your power, Mr. President, to settle the whole difficulty. Only three things are necessary to this end:

1. The cessation of all support from the Treasury of the United States to the enrolled Missouri militia

2. The occupation of Missouri by United States troops; and

3. The appointment of a department commander in Missouri woo will not make himself a party to Governor Gamble's pro-slavery policy.

This is the sum of our requests in regard to military affairs. If they are granted, we can assure you of permanent peace in Missouri.

One other subject demands attention in connection with Missouri affairs. On the 3d of next month an election is to be held in that State for judges of the Supreme and Circuit Courts. We have good reason to believe, and to assert, that a strenuous effort will be made to carry that election against the Radical party by the votes of returned rebel guerillas, bushwhackers, sod others who have given aid and comfort to the rebellion.

By an ordinance of our State Convention, passed June 10th, 1962, every voter is required, in order to vote, to take a prescribed oath. Unless the military authorities interpose, we believe that thousands of the above named classes of persons will be permitted to vote without taking that oath. We ask that you vol be pleased to direct the department commander to issue such an order as General Burnside issued in reference to the Kentucky election, holding the judges of election responsible to the military authorities if they allow votes to be given by parties who do not take that oath. This will tend to exclude such parties from the polls, and thereby secure a fair election.

The main points of the reply of the President in a letter to the delegation were, that he failed to see that the condition of Missouri, and the wrongs and sufferings of the Union men were to be attributed to weakness, wickedness, or immorality, but rather to civil war. He did not believe that the massacre at Lawrence proved the imbecility of Schofield, as similar acts could have been committed by Grierson or John Morgan had they chosen to commit Page 657 them. He approved General Schofield's action in preventing a counter raid into Missouri by the citizens of Kansas, as the only way to avoid indiscriminate massacre. He said that the charges that General Schofield had purposely withheld protection from the loyal people, and purposely facilitated the objects of the disloyal, were altogether beyond belief.

With his present views, he therefore declined to remove General Schofield.

Regarding the enrolled militia, he says he shall ascertain better than he now knows what its exact value is. In the meantime he declined to abandon it, and expressed gratitude to General Schofield for raising it in June previous, thereby enabling him to strengthen General Grant, at a time when reënforcements were imperatively needed. He discussed the propriety of removing General Curtis, concurred in the delegation's request regarding the election, and concluded as follows: I do not feel justified to enter upon the broad field you present, as regards the political differences between the radicals and conservatives. From time to time I have done and said what appeared to me proper to do and say. It obliges nobody to follow me, and I trust it obliges me to follow nobody. The radicals and conservatives each agree with me in some things and disagree in others. I could wish both to agree with me in all things, then they would agree with each other, and would be too strong for any foe from any quarter. They, however, choose to do otherwise. I don't question their rights. I, too, shall do what seems to be my duty. I hold that whoever commands in Missouri is responsible to me, and not either to the radicals or conservatives. It is my duty to hear all, but at least I must within my sphere judge what to do and what to forbear. The delegation, in on address to the "Radical Union men of Missouri," dated October 22d, says: "The only point in which our mission was a success, is that of the order of the President to General Schofield concerning elections in this State; which you will have noticed with gratification has already been complied with, by the issue of General Order, No. 120." On the 12th of October, Governor Gamble issued a proclamation, of which the following is an extract: The only design of this paper being to guard the unwary against being led by the artifices or these desiring men into a false position in relation to the State, which may involve them in danger, it is impossible, within any reasonable limit, to notice the innumerable false accusations which have daily issued from a corrupt and malignant press for many months past. Those which have been noticed above, and which are most important, may be taken as fair specimens of the correctness of all. It may with propriety be repeated, that no objection is here intended to be suggested to any change in their government which the people may think proper to make by peaceful means, in accordance with the Constitution and laws, but it is intended to warn all persons against any attempt to effect a change by means of violence. The principle that every Government is bound to protect itself against violence, is the principle upon which the Federal Government is engaged in suppression of a great rebellion, and is applicable as well to the State Government.

A Our Stale Constitution prescribes what shall be treason against the State, and our statutes fix the penalty at death or long imprisonment in the penitentiary. There can be traitors against the State as well as against the Federal Government.

In all treasons the masses engaged are misled by arts and falsehoods of a few designing leaders, and it is now earnestly desired that all the good people of Missouri shall be on their guard against all artifices which may lead them to their ruin.

It is earnestly desired to avoid the spectacle of a social war on this American continent, and that the people of a free country mar exercise all their rights under the Constitution and the laws without being hindered by violence, so that at least we may be able to furnish an example of a people capable of self-government.

To the end, therefore, that all the good people of the State may be guarded against being involved in conspiracies or combinations for violence, and that all persons may be induced to exercise their own rights freely, and respect the rights of others, I, Hamilton Ri Gamble, Governor of the State of Missouri, while entreating the people to abstain from violence amongst themselves, and from all unlawful combinations, do admonish them that the oath which binds me to see that the laws are faithfully executed, leaves me no choice as to the employment of all the force I can command, to sustain the laws, preserve the peace of the State, and punish those who disturb it. And I do admonish them* that, as the highest political right of a citizen is to vote at elections, any interference, especially by the military, with the right of the qualified voters to vote for whomsoever they please, will be regarded as an offence of the greatest magnitude.

On the 28th of September, General Schofield issued the following order relating to the election:

Headquarters, Dep't of The Missouri, 

St. Louis, Mo., September 28th, 1863. 

The right of the people to peaceably assemble for all lawful purposes, and the right to freely express their will at the polls according to law, are essential to civil liberty. No interference with these rights, either by violence, threats, intimidations, or otherwise, will be tolerated. Any commissioned officer who shall incite or encourage any interference with any lawful assemblage of the people, or who shall fail to do his utmost to prevent such interference, shall be dismissed the service; and any officer, soldier, or civilian who shall, by violence, threats, or otherwise, actually interfere with any such lawful assemblage of the people, shall be punished by imprisonment or otherwise, at the discretion of a court-martial or military commission.

Any officer, soldier, or civilian who shall attempt to intimidate any qualified voter in the exercise of his right to vote, or who shall attempt to prevent any qualified voter from going to the polls or voting, shall be punished by imprisonment or otherwise, at the discretion of a court-martial or military commission.

By command of Major-General SCHOFIELD:

C. W. Marsh, Assistant Adjutant-General.

The election was held for Supreme Court Judges, and resulted as follows: for Judge Clover, Unconditional Union, 46,548; Bates, Union, 47,229.

A session of the Legislature assembled immediately after the election. The unconditional Union men had a majority in the House, but not in the Senate. Before the close of the session, in February, 1864, a bill was passed, which provided simply for a call of a convention to revise the organic law of the State. The election for delegates is to be held in November at the time of the general election. At Page 658 the same time the people are to vote on the proposition whether they desire a convention or not. If they decide against a convention, then the delegates are not to assemble, and the whole thing falls through. Should the people vote to sustain the proposition, then the convention meets in St. Louis, on the 5th of January, 1865.

During 1863 about fifteen hundred were recruited in the old regiments in the Federal service. No new regiment of infantry was raised, but one of cavalry, and two regiments of negro troops.

For the purpose of promoting emigration to the State from Europe, an agent was sent out, with the promise of a small salary from some of the railroad companies. Another was sent to Germany by a manufacturer in St. Louis, to procure laborers necessary to the conduct of his business.

The institutions of the State have suffered from the disturbances, but are generally in a favorable condition.

NEW HAMPSHIRE. The election in New Hampshire for State officers was held on the 10th of March. There were three candidates for governor, viz.: Ira A. Eastman, Democratic; Joseph A. Gilmore, Republican, and Harriman, Union. The total vote cast was 66,240. In 1860 the total vote was 65,923. The result was as follows: Eastman. Gilmore. Harriman. 82,833 29,035 4,372

No one received a majority, and Gilmore was subsequently chosen by the Legislature, which was divided as follows:

Senate. House. Republicans 9 189 Democrats 3 142 The vote for members of Congress was as follows:

Republican. Democrat 1st District, Eastman.. 11,979 Marcy 12,059 2d " Rollins 10,365 George 9,999 8d  Patterson. 10,847 Burns 10,571 On the 26th, the following order was published in the " Independent Democrat," at Concord:

Special Order, No. 119.

War Department, Adjutant-General’s Office, ) Washington, March 13th, 1863. 

To the Governor of New Hampshire: EXTRACT.]

34. By direction of the President, the following officers are hereby dismissed from the service of the United States. • « * » * Lieut. A. J. Edgerly, 4th New Hampshire volunteers, for circulating Copperhead tickets, and doing all in his power to promote the success of the rebel cause in his state.

By order of the Secretary of War.

L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General.

Edgerly was a lieutenant of the 4th New Hampshire regiment, which had been in Florida.

On the 3d of June the Legislature assembled at Concord, and elected not only Gilmore (is governor, but Allen H. Tenney, Secretary of State, and Peter Sanborn, State Treasurer, and other officers.

The revenue of the State during 1863 was: taxes, $187,065.61; loans, $289,800; total, $878,885.61. The expenses amounted as follows: ordinary, $210,539.32; aid to families of volunteers, $188,810.56; total, $394,849.88. The debt of New Hampshire, at the end of the fiscal year 1862, was $785,100. During 1868 additional loans have been negotiated to the amount of $239,300 for the temporary use of the State, and $482,800 for military purposes. The amount paid out by the State on account of the war to June 1st, 1863, was $1,805,835, a portion of which had been paid back by the Federal Government. The number of men which the State had furnished at that date was 17,788, being her quota upon every previous call. Governor Gilmore, in his message, stated that the State banks, with a capital of over four and a half millions, had over a million and a quarter of State and National securities. The railroads in the State had done a fair business during the year which had passed. The mutual insurance companies had proved a failure in the State. The State prison, insane asylum, house of reformation and other benevolent and reformatory institutions, were described to be in an excellent condition. The same was the state of the educational institutions. The general condition of the State was represented to be prosperous. All departments of business had flourished, produce had increased, and industry had gained its reward.

A bill was proposed in the Legislature giving to soldiers in the field the privilege of voting. The opinion of the Supreme Court was, that it was opposed to the spirit and letter of the State Constitution, as well as the law, which requires the presence of the voter at the polls.

Some popular disturbances arose in the State during the draft for soldiers. Some of the towns of the State had previously furnished an excess above their quota, and considered the draft upon them under such circumstances as peculiarly burthensome. Upon the representation of the facts to the War Department, the promise was given by the provost-marshal-general that the surplus men should be discharged in such towns from the number taken by the draft. The governor thereupon promised this remittance to the towns. But when the attempt was made to carry out this plan the difficulties were found to be so great that it was impossible to execute it. At Jackson a mob burned the Forest Vale House, half way between the Crawford and Glen House?, and stoned the agents of the marshal engaged in notifying the drafted men. The loss of property was valued at $8,000. In Portsmouth a Page 682 disturbance also took place. (See Riots.) The decision of the department was, however, acquiesced in when the circumstances were fully understood.

JERSEY. At the session of the Legislature at the commencement of the year a series of resolutions were passed which were intended to express the views of the majority of the voters on public affairs. The series passed the Senate by a vote of 12 yeas to 8 nays, and the House by 38 yeas to 13 nays. The resolutions declare that the State in promptly answering all the calls for troops, believed and confided in the declarations of the President made in his inaugural address, and in the resolutions of Congress passed July, 1861; and that, having waited with patience and forbearance for the redemption of these pledges, she conceives it to bo her solemn duty to urge upon the President and Congress in the most respectful but decided manner the redemption of the pledges under which the troops of the State entered upon and have continued in the contest; and as the devotion of the State to the sacred cause of perpetuating the Union and maintaining the Constitution has been untainted, in any degree, by infidelity, bigotry, sectionalism, or partisanship, she now, in view of the faith originally plighted, of the disasters and disgrace that have marked the stops of a changed and changing policy, and of the imminent dangers that threaten the national existence, urges upon the President and Congress a return and adherence to the original policy of the administration, as the only means by which the Union can be restored, and the nation saved. The other resolutions were thus expressed:

3. And be it resolved. That it is the deliberate sense of the people of this State that the war power within the limits of the Constitution is ample for any and all emergencies, and that all assumptions of power, under whatever plea, beyond that conferred by the Constitution, is without warrant or authority, and if permitted to continue without remonstrance will finally encompass the destruction of the liberties of the people and the death of the republic and, therefore, to the end that in any event the matured and deliberate sense of the people of New Jersey may be known and declared, we their representatives, in Senate and General Assembly convened, do, in their name and in their behalf, make unto the Federal Government this our solemn protest:

Against a war waged with the insurgent States for the accomplishment of unconstitutional or partisan purposes;

Against a war which has for its object the subjugation of any of the States, with a view to their reduction to territorial condition; Against proclamations from any source by which, under the plea of "military necessity," persons in States and Territories, sustaining the Federal Government, and beyond the necessary military lines, are held liable to the rigor and severity of military law;

Against the domination of the military over the civil law in States, Territories, or districts not in a state of insurrection;

Against all arrests without warrant; against the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus in States and Territories sustaining the Federal Government, "where the public safety does not require it," and against the assumption of power by any person to suspend such writ, except under the express authority of Congress;

Against the creation of new States by the division of existing ones, or in any other manner not clearly authorized by the Constitution, and against the right of secession as practically admitted by the action of Congress in admitting as a new State a portion of the State of Virginia;

Against the power assumed in the proclamation of the President made January 1st, 1868, by which all the slaves in certain States and parts of States are forever set free; and against the expenditure of the public moneys for the emancipation of slaves or their support at any time, under any pretence whatever; Against any and every exercise of power upon the part of the Federal Government that is not clearly given and expressed in the Federal Constitution—reasserting that" the powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people."

4. And be it resolved, That the unequalled promptness with which New Jersey has responded to every call made by the President and Congress for men ana means, has been occasioned by no lurking animosity to the States of the South or the rights of her people'; no disposition to wrest from them any of their rights, privileges, or property, but simply to assist in maintaining, as she cos ever believed and still believes it to be her duty to do, the supremacy of the Federal" Constitution: and while abating naught in her devotion to the Union of the States and the dignity and power of the Federal Government, at no time since the commencement of the present war has this State been other than willing to terminate, peacefully and honorably to all, a war unnecessary in its origin, fraught with horror and suffering in its prosecution, and necessarily dangerous to the liberties of all in its continuance.

5. And be it resolved. That the Legislature of the State of New Jersey believes that the appointment of commissioners upon the port of the Federal Government to meet commissioners similarly appointed by the insurgent States, to convene in some suitable place for the purpose of considering whether any, and if any what plan may be adopted, consistent with the honor and dignity of the National Government, by which the present civil war may be brought to a dose, is not inconsistent with the integrity, honor, and dignity of the Federal Government, out, as an indication of the spirit which animates the adhering States, would in any event tend to strengthen us in the opinion of other nations; and hoping, as we sincerely do, that the Southern States would reciprocate the peaceful indications thus evinced; and believing, as we do, that under the blessing of God great benefits would arise from such a conference, we most earnestly recommend the subject to the consideration of the Government of the United States and request its cooperation therein.

No draft took place in the State. The quota at the time the draft was made was 8.783; these were raised by volunteering. Up to the 1st of January, 1863, the number of troops which the State had been called upon to furnish was 27,199, and the number of men furnished up to that time was 30,214. Liberal bounties were paid by the counties and cities, which were to be reimbursed by the State. An enrolment of the citizens mode in anticipation of a draft, returned the number in the state liable to military duty 71,697.

No election for State officers was held during the year. County officers and members of the Legislature were chosen, comprising one third of the Senate and the Assembly. This body was divided as follows:

Republicans 7 …..20

Democrats 14 … 40

The balance in the State Treasury at the beginning of the year was $92,084. The State has no debt of consequence except that contracted as war expenses. The local institutions were prosperous during the year. On the invasion of Pennsylvania, the troops of the State were promptly sent to repel the enemy. (See Army Operations.)

The railroad system of the State has attracted much attention. Situated geographically as the State is, between the great cities of New York and Philadelphia, and the States in which those cities are located, the route of communication necessarily passes over her territory. This embraces likewise the principal portion of the communication by land between the north and the central and southern part of the country. Four rivers of some importance intersect this route, viz.: the Hackensack, the Passaic, Raritan and Delaware. The necessity of an easy communication between the above cities was so manifest in the war of 1812, as to be considered a work of national importance, and deserving the aid of the Federal Government. Congress, however, refused to authorize any expenditure for such an object. Thirty years ago, when the Delaware and Raritan canal and the Camden-Amboy railroad were chartered, the projects were considered to be so visionary that the charters could with great difficulty be given away by the State. Indeed they could not be given away upon terms on which capitalists were then willing to accept them unless they were impregnably protected from competition. This protection was thus given from the necessity of the case, as without it neither railroad nor canal would have then been built. On the fares paid by passengers and merchandise which pass over the railroad and canal a percentage is paid, which amounts to $200,000 on the thousands of passengers and hundreds of millions of merchandise thus transported. In principle the tolls which are paid into the treasury of New York from the business done on her canals, is similar to those which New Jersey exacts for the business done on her public works. The fares on these routes are as low or lower than those on any other works in the country. The final success of the companies chartered in 1830 has been such as enabled them to assist in the construction of railroads in all parts of the State.

An application was made to Congress at the session commencing in December, 1868, to declare the Delaware and Raritan railroad a post and military road of the United States. This road runs from Keyport, on Raritan Bay, to the Delaware river opposite Dover, but is completed to its intersection with a road from Philadelphia to Atlantic City. A committee of the House reported unanimously in favor of the application. The question involved the important consideration as to the right of the Federal Government to enter a State and give certain privileges to a corporation controlled by its local laws. By means of their route the Delaware and Raritan Company had transported troops and freight from Philadelphia to New York, but were enjoined from continuing to do the same by the chancellor of New Jersey, who ordered the payment to the Camden and Amboy Railroad Company of all sums received by said Delaware and Raritan Company, on the ground that an act of the State makes it unlawful for any road to be constructed during the existence of the Camden and Amboy charter, "which shall be intended to carry passengers and merchandise between New York and Philadelphia," without the consent of the said Camden and Amboy Company.

According to their report the committee of Congress find that from September 1st, 1862, to June 1st, 1863, there were transported over the Delaware and Raritan Bay Company's road seventeen thousand four hundred and twenty-eight men, six hundred and forty-nine horses, and eight hundred and six thousand two hundred and forty-five pounds of freight, by order of the Government.

They also find that Congress has five times exercised the power of establishing post-roads. 1st. In the case of the bridges across the Ohio at Wheeling and Bridgeport, Virginia, which law was sustained by the Supreme Court. 2d. In a special law of Congress declaring that all railroads in the United States shall be post-routes. 3d. Act of 1863, where that legislation is reaffirmed. 4th. In an act declaring a bridge partly constructed across the Ohio river at Steubenville, Ohio, to be a lawful structure. 5th. In the act of 1863, authorizing the President to seize any railroad when the public safety may require it, so that it shall be considered a part of the military establishment of the United States, as well as a post-road. The committee then proceeded to argue from article 1, section 8, Constitution of the United States, that Congress "shall have power to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes," and quote at length views of the Supreme Court in cases arising under that clause. The committee then present a record of the action of Congress, the various State Legislatures, etc., for better railway connection from New York to Washington.

NEW YORK. On the first day of 1863, Horatio Seymour, who had been previously elected, was inaugurated governor of New York. On this occasion, in his brief inaugural address, after complimenting Governor Morgan (then retiring) on the manner in which he had discharged his duties, Governor Seymour said:

Fellow citizens: In your presence I have solemnly sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, with all its grants, restrictions, and guarantees, and I shall support it. Page 684 

I have also sworn to support another Constitution— the constitution of the State of New York—with all its powers and rights. I shall uphold it. I have sworn faithfully to perform the duties of the office of Governor of this State, and with your aid they shall be faithfully performed. These Constitutions and laws are meant for the guidance of official conduct and for your protection and welfare.

The first law I find recorded for my observance is that which declares "it shall be the duty of the Governor to maintain and defend the sovereignty and jurisdiction of this State," and the most marked injunction of the Constitution to the Executive is, that he " shall take care that the laws are faithfully executed."

These Constitutions do not conflict; the line of separation between the responsibilities and obligations which each imposes is well defined. They do not embarrass us in the performance of our duties as citizens or officials.

After a brief allusion to the quiet transfer of power from one political organization to another, and the expression of the hope that, before the end of two years, the nation would bo again united and glorious, and thanks to the assemblage, the governor withdrew. During the year which he had thus commenced, the governor was called upon to encounter some new questions in the administration of the affairs of the State. The most exciting of these arose out of the orders of the Federal Government for a draft of men for the army. The number of men to be token by the draft was ordered to be one fifth of the number enrolled in each congressional district who belonged to the first class, or were between the ages of twenty and thirty-five, with the unmarried between thirty-five and forty-five. It was always admitted as a fundamental principle in raising troops, and so provided by the Enrolment Act that the burden should be borne equally by all of the country. The obligations of a should be in proportion to the number of its citizens liable to military duty. It happened that, under the system of volunteering in 1861 and 1862, some States had contributed proportionally mare men than other States; and parts of some States had contributed proportionally more than the remainder. The first question to be determined by the Federal Government was the credit for volunteers which each State was entitled to receive. Great difficulties arose in solving this problem, from the manner in which volunteers had been obtained. (See Enrolment.) Other difficulties arose from the unequal proportions of similar ages in various States. Thus New England, whoso youth emigrate in large numbers, would show a smaller number liable to military duty, in proportion to her population, than other portions of the Union. So New York City, which is the headquarters of European emigration, would show a greater proportion of the military age than was really subject to military duty. The commencement of the draft in New York City, in July, was accompanied with a riot, and it was suspended until August. (See Riots.) A correspondence then ensued between the governor and President Lincoln. On the 3d of August the governor, in a letter to the President, referred to the provision of the Enrolment Act, which requires that the quotas should be so assigned as to equalize the number among the districts of the several States, allowing for those already furnished, and for the time of service. New York had hitherto furnished a surplus, and was entitled to credit, said the governor, but the statement of the provost-marshal did not agree with the records of the State adjutant-general's office. He therefore asked that the records of the two offices might be compared. He also asked that the draft might be suspended, as it had been elsewhere, until the results of recruiting, then actively going on in the State, should be apparent. He also stated that "it was believed by at least one half of the people of the loyal States that the Conscription Act was in itself a violation of the Supreme Constitutional Law," and therefore "earnestly urged that the Government interpose no obstructions to the earliest practical decision upon this point." He said: "Our accustomed procedures give to our citizens the right to bring all questions affecting personal liberty or compulsory service in a direct and summary manner, to the judges and courts of the State or nation. The decisions which would thus naturally bo rendered within a brief period, and after full and ample discussion, would make such a current of judicial opinion as would satisfy the public mind that the act is either valid or void."

On the 7th of August the President briefly replied, as follows:

EXECUTIVE MANSION. WASHINGTON

August 7th, 1863

His Excellency Horatio Seymour, Governor of New York:

Your communication of the Sd instant has been received and attentively considered.

I cannot consent to suspend the draft in New York, as you request, because, among other things, time is too important. "

By the figures you send, which I presume are correct, the twelve districts represented fall into two classes, of eight and four respectively. The disparity of the quotas for the draft, in these two classes, is certainly very striking, being the difference between an average 2,200 in one class and 4,864 in the other. Assuming that the districts are equal one to another, in entire population, as required by the plan on which they were made, this disparity is such as to require attention.

Much of it, however, I suppose, will be accounted for by the fact that so many more persons fit for soldiers are in the city than in the country, who have to recently arrived from other parts of the United States, and from Europe, to be included in the census of I860, or to have voted in 1S62. Still, making due allowance for this, I am yet unwilling to stand upon it, as an entirely sufficient explanation of the great disparity.

I shall direct the draft to proceed in all the districts, drawing, however, at first, from each of the four districts, to wit: second, fourth, sixth and eighth, only 2,200, being the average quota of the other class.

After this drawing, these four districts, and also the seventeenth and twenty-ninth, shall be carefully reenrolled, and, if you please, agents of yours may witness every step of the process. Any deficiency which may appear by the new enrolment, will be supplied by a special draft for that object, allowing due credit for volunteers who may be obtained from these districts, Page 685 respectively, during the interval. And at all points, so far as consistent with practical convenience, due credit will be given for volunteers, and your excellency shall be notified of the time fixed for commencing the draft in each district.

I do not object to abide a decision of the United States Supreme Court, or of the judges thereof, on the constitutionality of the draft law. In fact, I shall be willing to facilitate the obtaining of it, but I cannot consent to lose the time while it is being obtained. We arc contending with an enemy, who, as I understand, drives every able-bodied man he can reach into his ranks, very much as a butcher drives bullocks into a slaughter pen. No time is wasted, no argument is used.

This produces an army which will soon turn upon our now victorious soldiers, already in the field, if they shall not be sustained by recruits as they should be. It produces an army with a rapidity not to be matched on our side, if we first waste tune to reexperiment with the volunteer system, already deemed by Congress, and palpably, in fact, so fur exhausted as to be Hi adequate; and then more time to obtain a court decision as to whether a law is constitutional which requires a part of those not now in the service to go to the aid of those who arc already in it; and still more time to determine with absolute certainty that we get those who are to go in the precisely legal proportion to those who are not to go.

My purpose is to be in my action just and constitutional, ana yet practical, in performing the important duty with which I am charged, of maintaining the unity and the free principles of our common country.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

On the 8th, the governor replied, expressing regret that the draft could not be suspended until a judicial decision could be had, and forwarding a report of the judge-advocate-general. The governor said:

I wish to call your attention to the tables on pages 5, 6, 7, and 8, which show that in the nine congressional districts in Manhattan, Long, and Staten Islands, the number of conscripts culled for is 33,729, while in nineteen other districts the number of conscripts called for is only 39)626. This draft is to be made from the first class; those between the ages of twenty and thirty-fire. It appears by the census of 1860, that in the first nine congressional districts there were 164,797 males between 20 and 35. They are called upon for 83,729 conscripts. In the ether nineteen districts, with a population of males between 20 and 85 of 270,786, only 39,626 are demanded.

Again, to show the partisan character of the enrolment, you will find in the 21st page of the military report, that in the first nine congressional districts, the total vote of 1860 was 151,243. The number of conscripts now demanded is 33,729. In the nineteen districts, the total vote was 457,257; yet these districts are called upon to furnish only 89,626 drafted men. Each of the nine districts gave majorities in favor of one political party, and each of the nineteen districts gave majorities in favor of the other party.

On the 11th, the President briefly replied as follows:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON,

August 11, 1863.

His Excellency Horatio Seymour, Governor of New York:

Yours of the 8th inst., with Judge Advocate-General Waterbury's report, was received to-day. Asking you to remember that I consider the time as being very important, both to the general cause of the country and ) the soldiers in the field, I beg to remind you that I waited at your request from the 1st until the 6th inst., to receive your communication dated the 3d. In view of its great length and the known time and apparent care taken in its preparation, I did not doubt that it contained your full case as 1 '' It contained the figures for you desired to present it twelve districts,  the other nineteen, as I supposed, because yon found nothing to complain of as to them. I answered accordingly. In doing so, I laid down the principle to which I propose adhering, which is to proceed with the draft, at the same time employing infallible means to avoid any great wrong.

With the communication received to-day, you send figures for twenty-eight districts, including the same sent before, and still omitting three, for which I suppose the enrolments are not yet received. In looking over the fuller lists of twenty-eight districts, I find that the quotas for sixteen of them arc above 2,000 and below 2.700, while of the rest, six are above 2,700, and six are below 2,000.

Applying the principle to these new facts, the 5th and 7th districts must be added to the four in which the quotas have already been reduced to 2,200 for the first draft, and with these four others must be added to those to be reenrolled. The correct case will then stand: the quotas of the 2d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th districts, fixed at 2,200 for the first draft.

The provost-marshal-general informs me that the drawing is already completed in the 16th, 17th, 18th, 22d, 24th, 26th, 27th, 28th, 29th, and 30th districts. In the others, except the three outstanding, the drawing will be made upon the quotas as now fixed. After the first draft, the 2d, 4th, 5th, 6th, 7tb, 8tb, 16th, 17th, 21st, 25th, 29th, and 31st, will be reenrolled, for the purpose and in the manner stated in my letter of the 7th lost the same principle will be applied to the now outstanding districts when they shall come in. No part of my former letter is repudiated by reason of not being restated in this, or for any other cause.

Your obedient servant,

A. LINCOLN.

The governor insisted also that the enrolment presented great inequality, and laid the following statement before the War Department:

The average ratio of enrolment to the male population in the Western States, is 19 per cent.

In New Jersey 20"

In Pennsylvania 181"

In the New England States, it is 17"

In the State of New York, it is 22"

Massachusetts, with ten congressmen and a population of 1,231,066, has to furnish, under the recent call for 800,000 men 15,196

The first nine congressional districts of the State of New York, with a population of 1,218,949, are called upon for 25,166

Excess in the nine congressional districts in New York over ten congressional districts in Massachusetts 10,040. 

The quota of Vermont and New Hampshire, with a united population of 641,171, and six representatives in Congress, and four senators, is 7,099.

The quota of two congressional districts in New York, the 4th and 6th, with a population of 283,229, is 7,628.

The wrong was partially corrected by reducing the numbers called in those districts of New York where they were excessive, to the average number in the other districts of the State. At the same time, the Secretary appointed Wm. F. Allen, of New York, John Love, of Indiana, and Chauncey Smith, of Massachusetts, as a commission, to determine upon some fair mode of correcting these inequalities.

Meantime the draft was carried forward in the western 'districts of the State nearly to completion, although in the city of New York and Brooklyn it had been suspended at the time of the riots, July 13th. In preparation for resuming it the following correspondence took place:

His Excellency Horatio Seymour, Governor of the State of New York:

HEADQUARTER DEPARTMENT OF THE EAST

New York City, July 30, 1863.

Sir: As the draft under the Act of Congress of March 3d, 1863, for enrolling and calling out the national forces, will probably be resumed in this city at an early day, I am desirous of knowing whether the military power of the State may be relied on to enforce the execution of the law, in case of forcible resistance to it. I am very anxious that there should be perfect harmony of action between the Federal Government and that of the State of New York ; and if under your authority to see the laws faithfully executed, 1 can feel assured that the act referred to will be enforced, I need not ask the War Department to put at my disposal for the purpose, troops in the service of the United States. I am the more unwilling to make such a request as they could not be withdrawn in any considerable number from the field without prolonging the war and giving aid and encouragement to the enemies of the Union, at the very moment when our successes promise, with a vigorous effort, the speedy suppression of the rebellion.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOHN A. DIX, Major-General

Albany Monday, August 3d, 1863.

To Major-General John A. Dix, Commanding Eastern Department, &e:

Sir: I received your letter on Saturday. I have this day sent to the President of the United States a communication in relation to the draft in this State. I believe his answer will relieve you and me from the painful questions growing out of an armed enforcement of the Conscription taw in this patriotic State, which has contributed so largely and freely to the support of the national cause during the existing war. When I receive the President's answer, I will write to you again upon the subject of your letter.

Truly yours, &c,

HORATIO SEYMOUR.

On the 8th of August, General Dix again addressed the governor, saying:

It is my duty now as commanding officer of the troops in the service of the United States in the department, if called on by the enrolling officers, to aid them in resisting forcible opposition to the execution of the law; and it was from an earnest desire to avoid the necessity of employing for the purpose any of my forces, which have o

been placed here to garrison the forts and protect the public property, that I wished to see the draft enforced by the military power of the State in case of armed and organized resistance to it. But holding such resistance to the paramount law of Congress to be disorganizing and revolutionary, leading, unless effectually suppressed, to the overthrow of the Government itself, to the success of the insurgents of the seceded States, and to universal anarchy, I designed, if your cooperation could not be relied on, to ask the General Government for a force which should be adequate to ensure the execution of the law, and to meet any emergency growing out of it.

To this letter Governor Seymour, who had, in the meantime, failed to obtain from the President a suspension of the draft, replied on the 15th, saying:

As you state in your letter that it is your duty to enforce the act of Congress, and as you apprehend its provisions may excite popular resistance, it is proposed you should know the position which will be held by the State authorities. Of course, under no circumstances, can they perform duties expressly confided to others; nor can they undertake to relieve others from their proper responsibilities. But there can be no violations of good order or riotous proceedings, no disturbances of the public peace, which are not infractions of the laws of the State, and those laws will be enforced under all circumstances. I shall take it that all the executive officers of this State perform i duties vigorously and thoroughly, and, it need be, the military power will be called into requisition. As you are an officer of the General Government, and not of the State, it does not become me to make suggestions to you with regard to your action under a law of Congress. You will, of course, be governed by your instructions, and your own views of duty.

On the 18th, General Dix again wrote to the governor, saying:

Not having received an answer from you, I applied to the Secretary of War on the 11th instant, for a force adequate to the object. The call was promptly responded to, and I shall be ready to meet all opposition to the draft.

Governor Seymour replied on the 20th, stating that no notice had been sent to him when the draft would take place; neither had there been of the previous one; and that he expected some interval between the notice and the draft. He said:

You will see that no time was allowed for getting credits for volunteers, for making suggestions or preparations. I do not know that the fault rests with Colonel Fry, but it is proper for me to state these facts.

The specific objections of the governor were, that New York City and Brooklyn did not get duo credit for the past, and that the enrolments were excessive, as compared with other portions of the State; and that the draft, as proposed, would throw upon the eastern portion of the State, comprising less than one third of the congressional districts, more than one half of the burdens of the conscription. Figures were presented to sustain these objections. So far as related to any political comparison of the congressional districts, the judge-advocate-general said:

The nine anti-Lincoln districts are required to furnish nearly as many conscripts as the nineteen J" districts, although the latter polled r times as many votes; as follows:

[…]

The three districts to which a quota has not ben assigned each gave an anti-Lincoln majority.

The whole matter was referred for investigation by the Secretary of "War to the above mentioned, whose report Page 687 objection of Governor Seymour as to an excess of enrolment, and the allowance of 13,000 men was promptly made by the War Department. The Legislature, at its subsequent session, passed a vote of thanks to the governor for his successful management of this matter.

The quota of New York under the draft, after deducting credits' on former calls, was 68,000 men. At the time for the draft to be completed in New York and Brooklyn, the governor issued the following proclamation:

Executive Chamber, Albany,

August 18th, 1863. 

I have received information that the draft is about to be made in the cities of New York and Brooklyn, and I understand that there is danger of disorderly and riotous attacks upon those who are engaged in executing the law of Congress.

I cannot believe that any considerable number of citizens are disposed to renew the shameful and sad scenes of the past month, in which the lives of so many, as well of the innocent as of the guilty, were destroyed. Our courts are now consigning to severe punishment many of those who were then guilty of acts destructive of the lives and property of their fellow-citizens. These events should teach all that real or imaginary wrongs cannot be corrected by unlawful violence. The liberties of our country and the rights of our citizens can only be preserved by a just regard for legal obligations, and an acquiescence in the decision of judicial tribunals.

While I believe it would have been a wise and humane policy to hare procured a judicial decision, with regard to the constitutionality of the Conscription Act, at an earlier day and by a summary process, yet the failure to do this in no degree justifies any violent opposition to the act of Congress. Until it is set aside bv the decision of judicial tribunals, it must be obeyed like any other act of the State or National Legislature.

The following rule of duty in this respect was laid down in the farewell address of Andrew Jackson. This view has always been accepted by the friends of our Union and the upholders of our Constitution:

Unconstitutional or oppressive laws may, no doubt, be passed by Congress, either from erroneous views or the want of due consideration. If they are in reach of Judicial authority, the remedy is easy and peaceful; and, if from the character of the law, it is an abuse of power not within the control of the Judiciary, then free discussion and calm appeals to reason, and to the Justice of the people, will not fail to redress the wrong. But until the law shall be declared void by the courts or repealed by Congress, no Individual or combination of individuals can be Justified' in resisting its execution.

The antagonistic doctrine that men may rightfully resist laws opposed to their own ideas of right or duty has not only led to great disorders and violence, but is one of the chief causes of the destructive civil war which has wasted the blood and treasure of our people. Disregard for the sacredness of the Constitution, for the majesty of the law, and for the decisions of the judiciary, is, at this time, the greatest danger which threatens American liberty.

This spirit of disloyalty must be put down. It is inconsistent with social order and social security, destructive to the safety of persons and property, and subversive of the liberty of the citizen and the freedom of the nation. Those who fear that there are designs in any quarter to overthrow the rights of the citizen, or to obstruct the accustomed administration of our laws, or to usurp any power in violation of constitutional restraints, should bear in mind that all acts of violence, all public disorders, pave the way for these very usurpations, and that they will be regarded with satisfaction by those who, for any cause, may wish to destroy either the power or rights of our National or State Governments.

The Constitution and Statutes of the State and nation contain ample remedies for all wrongs which may be committed either by rulers or citizens, and those who wish to preserve their rights, or to punish offenders, whether in public or in private life, should themselves carefully perform their duty, abstain from all illegal acts, generously support the Government, and then calmly and resolutely claim their rights.

I again repeat the warning which I gave to you during the riotous proceedings of the past month, that "the only opposition to the conscription which can be allowed is an appeal to the courts. The right of every citizen to make such an appeal will be maintained, and the decision of the counts must be respected and obeyed by rulers and people alike. No other course is consistent with the maintenance of the laws, the peace and order of the city, and the safety of its inhabitants. Riotous proceedings must and shall be put down. The laws of the State of New York must be enforced, its peace and order maintained, and the lives and property of all citizens protected, at any and every hazard. The rights of every citizen will be properly guarded and defended by the chief magistrate of the State."

I hereby admonish all judicial and executive officers whose duty it is to enforce the law and preserve public order, that they take vigorous and effective measures to put down any riotous or unlawful assemblages; and if t they find their power insufficient for that purpose, to call upon the military in the manner pointed out by the Statutes of the State. If these measures should prove insufficient, I shall then exert the full power of the State, in order that the public order may be preserved, and the persons and properties of the citizens be fully protected.

HORATIO SEYMOUR.

The following is the force that was sent to General Dix by the Secretary of War as above stated.:

United States regular Infantry regiments and artillery... 12

New York cavalry and Infantry regiments and artillery. 7

Ohio Infantry regiments 6

Massachusetts Infantry and artillery. 4

Vermont Infantry regiments 5

Connecticut battery  1

Delaware battery 1

Michigan infantry regiments 3

Indiana infantry regiments 3

Minnesota Infantry 1

Wisconsin infantry 1

Total United States regiments and batteries on duty.. 44

The result of the draft in the State was as follows:

No. of conscripts examined 77,862 No. exempted for physical disability and other causes 53.109

No. who paid commutation 14,073

No. of substitutes obtained 6,619

No. of conscripts held to service , 2,067

The number of volunteers obtained in the State, from January 1st, 1863, to January 5th, 1864, was as follows:

Volunteers raised by State authorities from January 1st, 1863, to this date 25,824

Recruits sent to regiments in the field 1,658

Enlisted by provost-marshals 11,060

Reenlistment In the field (estimate) 10,000

Substitutes (volunteers. In act) 6.619

Enlisted by provost-marshals since December 21st... 1,600

                                                                  Total           60,156

The State has furnished up to December, 1863, 292,983 men. Of this number 230,442 were mustered in for three years, 30,121 for two years, 2,516 for nine months, 29,893 for three months. This ratio, applied to the loyal States, should produce an army of 1,439,500, or one soldier for every thirteen persons.

The Boards of Supervisors have made the following appropriations, except in ten counties, where bounties were paid by towns entirely:

1861 862.700 00 1863 2,967.871 96 1868 11,088,291 95 14,268,S63 91

By common councils: 1861 $2,307,243 88 1862 1,824,032 12 1868 r .' 2,579,663 50 t6,710,94S 95

By the Legislature: 186I $2,807.24SS3 1862 1,824,082 1 2 1868 8,841,098 00 $18,562,497 00

Total appropriated $34,637,809 86

Inquiries were made of Governor Seymour relative to the enlistment of colored troops, to which he returned the following answer:

                    State of New York, Executive Department,  

                                         Albany November 24th

Sir: In answer to your inquiries about enlistment of blacks and the organization of regiments and companies, I have to say:

1st. That, under the State laws, the bounty is paid to all without distinction who are mustered into the service of the United States, and for whom credits are given to New York under the President's call for troops.

2d. As to new organizations, I have no power to authorize any ..either blacks or whites, which will be entitled to the benefits of the bounty given by the General Government. The object at Washington is to fill up the ranks of the regiments in the field. If any new organizations for either white or black troops are made, they must be authorized by the War Department to entitle those who join them to the benefit of the money paid to volunteers. Yours, &c,

HORATIO SEYMOUR.

To James Rogers, No. 421 Broadway, New York City.

An enrolment of the militia, made in August and September, 1862, showed 589,539 men subject to draft.

At the annual elections in November a Secretary of State, Comptroller, Treasurer, Attorney General, State Engineer, and Surveyor, and a Judge of the Court of Appeals were to be chosen, besides a Legislature and local officers. Several conventions were held previous to the election. A Union, or Administration Convention, assembled in Syracuse early in September, at which Chauncey M. Depew was nominated for Secretary of State; Lucius Robinson for Comptroller; Geo. W. Schuyler, Treasurer; John Cochrane for Attorney General; State Engineer, Win. B. Taylor. Resolutions were adopted declaring that, it was the highest duty of every citizen to do all in his power to maintain the integrity of the Union and the supremacy of the Constitution over the whole national domain; that the armies should be promptly reinforced, and the conduct of all condemned who embarrassed the efforts of the Government; that no other tenders of peace should be made to the enemy than are embraced in the Constitution under which they can at any time resume their place in the' Union; that the gratitude of the people is due to the administration of Mr. Lincoln Tor the ability and steadfast courage with which he has prosecuted the war for the Union; the signal success of its financial ability; its preservation of peace with foreign nations, and its splendid victories; that the spirit of partisan hostility aroused against the Government was to be deplored; that thanks be tendered to the soldiers for their zeal and fortitude; approving the action of the Government in repelling every attempt at foreign intervention, &c. A resolution was also adopted approving the Emancipation Proclamation "as a war measure, thoroughly legal and justifiable."

A Constitutional Union Convention assembled on September 9th, but made no nominations. In its resolutions it refused to support for office any person in political relation or sympathy with secession, abolitionism, or fanaticism of any kind; and resolved that the independence of the revolted States would be a greater evil than war; that citizens of any revolted State on returning to their allegiance become again citizens of the Union; that the right of property in lands, personality or slaves, is exclusively within the authority and jurisdiction of the States respectively; that the sole end for which the Government has authority to carry on this war is to suppress their insurrection, and to compel them to obey the Constitution and laws. Another resolution declares the unalterable purpose to resist in every legal manner all departures from the strict letter of the Constitution.

On the 10th of September, the Democratic or Opposition Convention assembled at Albany, and nominated Daniel B. St. John for Secretary of State; Sanford E. Church for Comptroller; Marshall B. Champlain for Attorney General; Wm. B. Lewis for Treasurer, and Van R. Richmond for State Engineer. the convention resolved to render a sincere and united support to the Government in all legitimate means to suppress the rebellion, and restore the Union; that the Government was pledged to the policy declared in the resolution of Congress of July, 1861; that illegal and unconstitutional arrests should be discontinued as a usurpation and crime; that the Government should manifest a policy of conciliation; that the doctrine of secession is equally false with the claim of the right of the Federal Government to obliterate State boundaries and State rights; that the Constitution is equally obligatory in time of war as in peace; that thanks are due to the soldiers for their promptness and bravery; that the results of the conscription should admonish the Government to rely on the voluntary action of a patriotic people; that mob violence is a crime against a people and a republican government; that the administration of Governor Seymour meets the highest approval.

On the 3d of June a mass convention assembled in New York, in compliance with a call signed by one or more persons in each senatorial district of the State. The call, after stating the results of the past efforts to restore the Union, continues thus:

In view of these results, after more than two years of continual and unceasing military conflict, we are for taking one step upon the road of peaceful effort. We are now for a rigorous prosecution of peace. And whilst we would submit to no national dismemberment, and no terms not justified by every principle of honor, we will go very far in the spirit of conciliation and concession to restore the Union as it was under the Constitution as it is. We believe that these are the prevailing sentiments of the masses.

The resolutions adopted by the convention declared fealty to the Constitution and to the sovereignty of the States and of the people; that under the Constitution there is no power to coerce the States or any of them by military force; that the war is contrary to the Constitution, and should be put an end to; that attempts to do away with the provisions of the Constitution which point out how crimes are to be punished, are high-handed violations of the solemn duties of rulers; that the claim of dictatorial and unlimited military power and trial of citizens by courts-martial are monstrous; that the dogma of unlimited submission to the Executive branch of the Government is unworthy an American citizen; that we protest against the cowardly, despotic, inhuman act of banishment of 0. L. Vallandigham; and recommend the suspension of hostilities, and the holding of a convention to settle the manner of restoring the contending sections.

On the 3d of September, a Young Men's Union or Administration Convention assembled at Syracuse. The chairman stated the objects of the convention " to be to unite all loyal young men of the State in the firm and vigorous support of the National Government, and in opposition to all who are disposed to embarrass it in the suppression of this wicked rebellion, and in maintaining the majesty of the laws."

The vote of the State was cast as follows:

Administration. Opposition. Depew 314,347 St. John 284,042 Robinson 314,238 Church 284,849 Cochrane 313,885 Champion 284,762 Selden, Judge 313,327 Allen, Judge..... 284,086 The Legislature, of which a portion of the Senate held over, was as follows:

Administration 21 82 103 Opposition 11 46 67

In May a publio meeting was held in Albany, relative to the arrest of Clement L. Vallandigham (see Habeas Corpus), at which, a series of resolutions were adopted, and ordered to be sent to President Lincoln. -For the correspondence relative thereto, tee Public Documents. An invitation was extended to Governor Seymour to attend this assemblage, to which he sent the following reply:

Stats or New York, Executive Department, 

Albany, May 16th, 1863.

To Peter Cogger, Solomon F. Higgins, Erastus Corning, Jr., Committee:

I cannot attend the meeting at the capitol this evening, but I wish to state my opinion in regard to the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham.

It is an act which has brought dishonor upon our country; it is full of danger to our persons and to our homes; it bears upon its front a conscious violation of law and of justice. Acting upon the evidence of detailed informers, shrinking from the light of day in the darkness of night, armed men violated the home of an American citizen, and furtively bore him away to a military trial, conducted without those safeguards, known to the proceedings of our judicial tribunals.

The transaction involved a series of offences against our most sacred rights. It interfered with the freedom of speech; it violated our rights to be secure in our homes against unreasonable searches and seizures; it pronounced sentence without a trial, save one which was a mockery, which insulted as well as wronged. The perpetrators now seek to impose punishment, not for an offence against law, but for a disregard for an invalid order, put forth in an utter disregard of principles of civil liberty. If this proceeding is approved by the Government, and sanctioned by the people, it is not merely a step toward revolution, it is revolution; it will not only lead to military despotism, it establishes military despotism. In this aspect it must be accepted, or in this aspect it must be rejected.

If it is upheld, our liberties are overthrown. The safety of our persons, the security of our property, will hereafter depend upon the arbitrary wills of such military rulers as may be placed over us, while our constitutional guarantees will be broken down. Even now the Governors and the courts of some of the great Western States have sunk into insignificance before the despotic powers claimed and exercised by military men who have been sent into their borders. It is a fearful thing to increase the danger which now overhangs us, by treating the law, the judiciary, and the authorities of States with contempt. The people of this country now wait with the deepest anxiety the decisions of the Administration upon these acts. Having given it a generous support in the conduct of the war, we now pause to see what kind of Government it is for which we are asked to pour out our blood and our treasures.

The action of the Administration will determine in the minds of more than one half of the people of the loyal States, whether this war is waged to put down rebellion at the South, or to destroy free institutions at the North. We look for its decision with the most solemn solicitude.

HORATIO SEYMOUR.

For the riots in New York, see Riots, &c.

The receipts and disbursements of the New York general fund, for the year 1863, were as follows:

Loans State defence $2,000,000 00 Auction and salt duty 187.951 06 State tax 4,00,9.2 77 Canal revenue 200,000 00 Miscellaneous 22.8T5 00 Prisons' earnings 267,125 80 Sale of arms to United States 280,099 99 Native guard fines 70,101 37 Non-resident taxes 57,277 65 Banks 83.020 88 Other items 60,105 09 Total $7,820,009 06 On hand, 1648 821,618 11 PAYMENTS. Bounties $4,650,277 54 War expenses 640,114 58 Debt: 1,605.188 88 Canal loan 855,040 28 Sinking fund 1,004.I4S 17 Other expenses 1,5S9,880 57 Total $9,804,599 47 Deficit 1,182,787 77 The debt of the State is as follows: Canal debt $22,268,810 2J General fund debt 6,505,654 37.

[…]

The action of the Federal Government in establishing a system of National Banks based upon public stocks exempt from taxation, excited much interest in the State, and became a subject of legislative consideration. The views entertained, and the action of that body, belong to the record of 1864. The question of allowing the volunteers from the State to vote at election, was discussed during the year, and resulted in an amendment of the Constitution early in 1864, to secure to them that privilege. The public schools and academies of the State exhibited a small decrease in the attendance, which was ascribed to the increased demand for the services of the youth between the ages of sixteen and twenty-one years. The aggregate attendance upon all the schools, was 984,695. The number of teachers employed, was 26,213.

The charitable and other institutions of the State manifested but little change from the previous year; but the affairs of the citizens advanced with unusual prosperity.

OHIO. Quite an excitement of a political nature existed in Ohio during a portion of the year. It was occasioned by the arrest of Clement L. Vallandigham. {See Habeas Corpus.) The Democratic State Convention, which assembled at Columbus, on June 11th, nominated him for Governor, and George E. Pugh for Lieutenant-Governor. It also adopted a series of resolutions, declaring in the preamble that the Democratic party has ever been and still is a law-abiding party, and asks nothing but its rights under the Constitution and laws; it neither resorts to nor countenances a violation of either; it claims all the guarantees of public and private liberty, and the right to discuss public measures, and to propose and advocate that policy which it deems best for the nation, and to have its policy passed upon by the people at an untrammelled election, &c. It then resolved that the foundation of all free government is the will of the people, to give effect to which, free thought, free speech, and a free press are absolutely indispensable; that it is an inherent and constitutional right of the people to discuss all measures of the Government, and to approve or disapprove of them; that these are their rights in time of war as well as of peace, and that they will not surrender these rights nor submit to their forcible violation; that there is a manifest difference between the Administration of the Government and the Government itself: the one consists of civil and political institutions created under the Constitution, the other consists of the agents of the people subject to their approval or condemnation; that they protest against the emancipation proclamation as unwise, unconstitutional and void, and are also opposed to compensation out of the Federal Treasury; that the powers recently assumed by the President under the guise of military necessity, relative to martial law and the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, are unwarranted by the Constitution; that they will hail with pleasure and delight any manifestations of a desire to return to the Union by the seceded States; that the warmest thanks of the nation are due to the soldiers; that Ohio will adhere to the Constitution and the Union as the best, and it may be the last hope of human freedom; that they hail with pleasure the manifestations of conservative sentiments among the people of the Northern States exhibited in the elections; that a convention should bo held to amend the constitution as soon as practicable, and that they will earnestly support every Constitutional measure tending to preserve the Union. They further resolved:

That the arrest, imprisonment, pretended trial, and actual banishment of Clement L. Vallandigham, a citizen of the State of Ohio, not belonging to the land or naval forces of the United States, nor to the militia in active service, by alleged military authorities, for no other pretended crime than that of uttering words of legitimate criticism upon the conduct of the Administration in power, and of appealing to the ballot box for a change of policy (said arrest and military trial taking place where the courts of law are open ana unobstructed and,) for no act done within the sphere of active military operations in carrying on the war, we regard as a palpable violation of the following provisions of the Constitution of the United States:

1. "Congress shall make no law * * * abridging the freedom of speech or of the press, or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances.

2. "The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrant shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized.

3. "No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless in a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia when to actual service in time of war or public danger.

4. "In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law."

And we furthermore denounce said arrest, trial, and banishment as a direct insult offered to the sovereignty of the people of Ohio, by whose organic law it is declared that "no person shall be transported out of the State for any offence committed within the same.'*

That Clement L. Vallandigham was at the time of his arrest a prominent candidate for nomination by the Democratic party of Ohio for the office of Governor of the State; that the Democratic party was fully competent to decide whether he was a fit man for that nomination, and that the attempt to deprive them of that right by his arrest and banishment, was an unmerited imputation upon their intelligence and loyalty, as well as a violation of the Constitution.

The further resolutions request the President to restore Mr. Vallandigham to his home; and tender thanks to Governor Seymour, of New York, for his letter relative to the arrest. (See New York)

That the establishment of a military government over the loyal States, where war does not exist, to supersede the civil authorities and suppress the freedom of speech and of the press, and to interfere with the elective franchise, is not only subversive of the Constitution and the sovereignty of the States, but the actual inauguration of revolution.

That it is the sworn duty of the Governor of the State to protect her citizens in the enjoyment and exercise of all their Constitutional rights; and we have beheld with deep humiliation and regret, not only the failure of David Todd, Governor of Ohio, to perform that duty, but what is still worse, his active participations in the violation of those rights.

That we denounce as traitors to the country the Abolition Jacobins who are seeking to bring about civil war in the loyal States, with the view of turning, if possible, the bayonets of the army against the breasts of the fathers, brothers, and friends of the soldiers, and subjecting those States to a military surveillance and dominion,

A committee was appointed by the convention to correspond with President Lincoln relative to the arrest of Mr. Vallandigham. (See Public Documents.)

The Republican Union Convention assembled at the same place, and nominated John Brough for Governor, and Charles Anderson for Lieutenant-Governor, and adopted a series of resolutions declaring that the calamities of the present rebellion were brought on by nullification and secession, which they denounce as incompatible with the unity, integrity, power, and glory of the republic ; that the war should go on with the utmost vigor until the authority of the Government is reestablished, and the old flag floats triumphantly over every State; that they lay aside personal preferences and prejudices, and draw no party line except with those opposed to the Government; that, confiding in the honesty, patriotism and good sense of the President, they pledge themselves to support him to put down the rebellion; that gratitude is due to the soldiers; that they sympathize with the army in its hardships, and that all lovers of the Union will stand by it and support the disabled and the families of those who fall fighting for their country.

The election took place on the 13th of October, and resulted as follows in the citizens' vote:

Brough 247,190

Vallandigham 185,274

Majority on the citizens' vote 61,916

Polls were opened, under a law of the State, in the camps where the soldiers were stationed. The soldiers' vote was chiefly for Brough. It seems that in the camps at Chattanooga each soldier was required to write his name on the ticket he voted, of which a correspondent of the "Cincinnati Commercial" gives the following account:

The election for State and county officers of Ohio, came off yesterday in the camps of Ohio soldiers, ac, cording to the provisions of the Soldiers' Voting Law. Its results are creditable to the patriotism and intelligence of the gallant men from the Buckeye State, who enjoy a full share of the deathless renown of Stone river and Chickamauga. The full returns were not in Inst evening. Brough had received about 8,000; Vallandigham, 240.

It is a fact worthy of mention in relation to the election, that while out of the large vote cast for Brough, there was not a man who could not write his own name on his ticket, quite a percentage of the Vallandighamers had to make their marks. The 59th, that cast the largest Vallandigham vote, displayed by far the greatest number of illiterate men in its ranks. This fact will be substantiated by a glance at the ballots.

The total vote of the soldiers was as follows:

Brough Vallandigham. 41,461 89,179

Add citizens' majority 61,990

Total majority for Brough 101,099

The total vote of the citizens was 482,464.

The total vote of the State in 1862, was 363,087; do. in 1861,858,791; do. in 1860,442,441.

The Legislature was divided as follows:

Senate      House

Union 29  78

Democrat 5  24

The military force furnished by the State to the army up to December 81st, 1863, was one hundred and twenty-nine regiments of infantry, two companies of guards, eight companies of sharpshooters, twelve regiments of cavalry, one squadron of cavalry, two battalions of six months' cavalry, one regiment and twenty-six batteries of light artillery, and two regiments of heavy artillery. Total, 200,452 men. About 8,000 white and colored soldiers have been recruited in the State for other States. The State was invaded, during the year, by a force of the enemy under General Morgan. (See Army Operations.)

The balance in the Treasury at the close of the year, was $423,786. During the year, $676,752 of the public debt was paid off, and the sum of $153,436 advanced as military expenses to the Federal Government.

The Commissioner of Statistics states the mortgage debt of the citizens for several years past to have been as follows:

1859 S0.747,088 1

1862 $22,759,253

1860 28,788.986

1863 19,973,171

1861 29,784,966

The average length of a mortgage is a little over two years. By adding together the amounts of two years before the war, and two years since, it shows that sixteen millions of mortgage debt have been paid off in the last two years, thus:

In 1859 and 1860, mortgage debt $59,4S5,969

In 1862 and 1863, $43,782,421

Decrease of mortgage debt $16,753,545

The same general fact of the diminution of debt is proved by the redaction of suits and judgments at law. This class of statistics is presented in the following table:

[…]

The annual profits of the State in the last ten years, by the construction of her publio works, are estimated at $20,000,000 on the carriage alone, aside from the stimulus given to all kinds of industry. Ohio has more miles of canals and railroads than any other State of the Union, having a route of railroad to every thirteen square miles, while New York has one to every seventeen square miles, and Illinois one to every twenty. The only State equalling Ohio in the production of grain is Illinois, but this State has 16,000 square miles more than Ohio. In the production of animals, of which there were in 1860 8,240,067, Ohio is actually the first. The total value of agricultural products, including grains, wool, hay, and animals, at Cincinnati prices, is estimated at $136,000,000. Of this amount, more than one half is surplus, so that the value of agricultural exports amounts to $80,000,000, as ascertained at shipping points of lake, river, canal, and railroads. The wealth of Ohio has doubled in the last ten years. In 1850, it was assessed at $504,000,000, and in 1860, at $1,1,98,898,000, showing an increase of $600,000,000 in ten years. Twenty years ago the taxes of the State were $1,890,000, now they amount to $8,000,000—more than fourfold. This is not an increase of the ratio of taxation, but of taxable property; the valuation of property twenty years ago being only one ninth of what it is now. The commissioner estimated that Ohio would pay $16,000,000 of the internal revenue, which, if the other States paid in proportion, would bring the internal revenue up to $160,000,000 per annum.

Details of the local institutions of the State, will be found in the Annual Cyclopaedia, 1862.

OREGON is bounded on the north by Washington Territory, from which it is separated by the Columbia river and the 46th parallel of north latitude; east by a line from the mouth of the Owyhee river, due south to the parallel of 42° north; south along said parallel to the Pacific Ocean; west by the Pacific Ocean. Its area is about 102,606 square miles, or 120,320,000 acres. The capital is Salem. Population estimated at 55,000. The following measurement of rains was taken at Fort Umpqua, in the southern portion of Oregon, in the months of the respective years: the snow which fell is included, and the amounts are expressed in inches and hundredths:

MONTHS. 1867-58 1858-69 1859-60 1860-61 1861-41 2.10 7.05 2.90 6.96 8.98 November... 6.46  55 11.09 18.06 December... 12.60 14.69 4.75 a 78 18.96 11.70 9.08 7.65 11.50  February.... 10.40 15.85 6.77 10.49 602 7.S0 1445 4.20 7.40 16.89 51.06 68.79 88 82 65.16 71.60

The following table shows the number of rainy days during the twelve months ending March 31st, 1863. It includes all rainy days, whether it rained all of the day, or only a part, and also all days on which snow fell: April May, June, July August, September, October, 1862. November, December, January, February, March, 1862 S "22 1868 24 "24 18 Total 149

For the condition of the local institutions of the State, see Annual Cyclopaedia, 1862.

PENNSYLVANIA. For the details of the invasion of Pennsylvania by the Confederate army, see Army Operations.

The entire force which Pennsylvania has contributed to the Federal armies is as follows:

Under the call of April 15th, 1861, twenty-five regiments, consisting of 20,979 men, for three months. They were mustered out of service at the expiration of their time.

Under the act of Congress of July 22d, 1861, four independent regiments of 4,711 officers and men, for three years.

Under an act of the Legislature of the State of May 15th, 1861, the "reserve volunteer corps," comprising thirteen regiments of infantry, one of cavalry and one of artillery, consisting of 15,856 men, and called into the service of the United States by requisition of the Federal Government, July 22d, 1861.

Seventy-three regiments, containing 89,048 men, raised on requisitions of the President under the act of Congress of July 22d, 1861, together with organizations authorized by the War Department to be raised by individuals in the State, all for three years.

Under the call of July 7th, 1862, forty-six regiments, including eighteen nine-months regiments, the others being for three years, containing in total 40,383 men.

Recruits forwarded to the three-years regiments, 9,269 men. Enlistments in organizations of other States and in the regular army estimated at 5.000 men.

Fifteen regiments organized under the draft ordered by the President from the militia, August 4th, 1862, and containing 15,100 men, for nine months, when they were mastered oat of service. Thus the total force furnished to December 31st, 1862, was 200,336.

During the year 1863 the only fully organized regiment for three years put into service from the State was the 19th cavalry. To regiments in service 4,458 recruits have been forwarded. All other regiments and commands have gone into service for a shorter period, and were engaged in the new military departments into which the State was divided on June 9th, 1863.

In the department of Monongahela five regiments of ninety-days militia and one company of artillery and one of cavalry were organized, containing 3,750 officers and men. Four commands, containing 1,416 officers and men. were also organized for six-months United States service.

In the department of the Susquehanna twenty-three regiments and one battalion of three-months militia, one battalion of cavalry, and four batteries, with several unattached companies, comprising 21,292 officers and men, were raised. For United States six-months service commands, containing 3,068 officers and men, were organized. A force of "emergency" militia was also organized, containing 7.063 officers and men. Thus the force raised in the department of Monongahela was 5,166; and in the Susquehanna, 31,422.

Five regiments of colored troops have been recruited in the State. They compose the 3d, 6th, 8th, 22d and 25th United States regulars.

Page 739

The revenue and expenditure of the State for the year 1863, were as follows:

REVENUE. Ordinary receipts $3,959,438 61 Miscellaneous 380,013 04 Total $4,289,461 65 On baud November, 1862 2,172,844 10

EXPENSES. Expenses $3,139,121 08 208,074 44 Other 967,768 63 Total $4,314,964 05 November, 1863 2,147,331 70

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The redemption of $951,617 04 by the commissioner of the military fund was in currency, and gave rise to great complaints, particularly on the part of the foreign holders who had loaned specie and got back not more than two thirds of that value. The commissioner had, however, no option under the law.

The interest on the debt of Pennsylvania is paid in specie. But the funds are derived from the banks, which are required by law to pay into the treasury their ratable proportion of such premium on gold as is required to meet the interest. By the act of January 30th, 1863, the banks were required to exchange a sufficient amount of coin for currency, receiving in return treasury certificates pledging the State faith to return coin before March, 1864, with 2} per cent, interest. $1,968,904 coin was so obtained, and there is $41,040 interest due the banks. The State had to pay $1,013,986 premium on the coin to return it. In the years 1837-39, the State was forced to suspend the payment of her interest or pay in paper. When the difficulty passed, the State, by the act of June 12th, 1840, appropriated a sufficient sum to reimburse her loan-holders for the difference in value between specie and the currency in which they had been previously paid, and then declared "that hereafter the interest falling due on Pennsylvania stocks shall always be paid in specie or its equivalent." This is the law at present. The taxable property of Pennsylvania is as follows:

Real and personal estate $595,591,994 Tax assessment $1,545,648 94 } mill tax 294,869 72 $1,840,503 66 Population 2,921,046 Population taxable 642,468 An election was held in the State on the second Tuesday of October, for the choice of a governor, one third of the Senate and the Assembly of the Legislature, and a judge of the Supreme Court.

The Democratic Convention assembled at Harrisburg, on July 1st, and nominated George W. Woodward for governor, and Walter W. Lowrie for judge of the Supreme Court. The convention adopted a series of resolutions, in which they declare that they again renew their fidelity to the Constitution, and inasmuch as it embodies the only guarantee for public liberty and private right, the man who sneers at the "Constitution as it is," proves himself deficient in the first elements of patriotism, and any officer who violates it, is unworthy of public confidence; that among the rights provided by the Constitution, that of security in life, liberty, and property, is so plainly written down, that any one who can misunderstand it, has not fit mental capacity for any public station; that they have heard with alarm and indignation of the power claimed for the President to arrest citizens for the expression of honest opinions, and that he delegates this power to others, a large proportion of whom must, in the nature of things, be incapable of wielding it honestly or wisely; that those who attempt to suppress books and newspapers by violence, are the enemies of a free Government; that thanks are tendered to the democracy of Ohio for the vindication they have given to the Constitution; that it is the duty of the chief magistrate of the State to protect the State and the people from violence, come from whatever quarter it may; that the democracy of Pennsylvania have been true to the cause of the Union; that they will exercise the right to consider, discuss, ascertain, and urge such measures as will be most likely to keep the whole Union together under one Government; that the Administration, in departing from the resolution of Congress, has totally changed the grounds of the war,' and greatly delayed a just hope of an honorable peace.

The Republican or Union Convention assembled at Pittsburg, on the 5th of August, and nominated Governor Andrew Curtin for reelection, and Daniel Agnew for judge. 1 he resolutions adopted declare their inflexible purpose to be to maintain the Union by every necessary effort, service, and sacrifice; that the rebellion was without cause, and is stained with every crime; that there can be but two parties, one which supports, and the other which cripples the constituted authorities; that all engaged in the rebellion are worthy only of patriotic hatred, and those who tolerate treason in loyal States are doubly recreant; that President Lincoln has won for himself the affection and regard of the whole American people; that the Constitution should be so amended that soldiers can vote; thanks are tendered to the sons of the State in the army and navy; and that the governor, by his eminent services, has achieved proud eminence among the loyal States.

The election was held on the 13th of October, on which day the following letter appeared in a Philadelphia paper:

Orange, N. J., October 12th, 1863.

Hon. Charles J. Biddle:

Dear Sir: My attention has been called to an article in the Philadelphia " Press," asserting that I had written to the managers of a democratic meeting at Allentown, disapproving the objects of the meeting, and that if I voted and spoke it would be in favor of Governor Curtin. I am informed that similar assertions have been made throughout the State.

It has been my earnest endeavor heretofore to avoid participation in party politics, and I had determined to adhere to this course, but it is obvious that I cannot longer maintain silence under such misrepresentations.

I therefore request you to deny that I have written any such letter or entertained any such views as those attributed to me in the Philadelphia "Press," and I desire to state clearly and distinctly that, having some few days ago had a full conversation with Judge Woodward, I find that our views agree, and I regard his election as governor of Pennsylvania called for by the interests of the nation. I understand Judge Woodward to be in favor of the prosecution of the war with all the means at the command of the loyal States, until the military power of the rebellion is destroyed. I understand him to be of the opinion that, while the war is urged with all possible decision and energy, the policy directing it should be in consonance with the principles of humanity and civilization, working no injury to private rights and property, not demanded by military necessity, and recognized by military law among civilized nations; and, finally, I understand him to agree with me in the opinion that the sole great objects of this war are the restoration of the unity of the nation, the preservation of the Constitution, and the supremacy of the laws of the country.

Believing our opinions entirely agree upon these points, I would, were it in my power, give to Judge Woodward my voice and mv vote.

             I am, very respectfully, yours,

GEORGE B. McCLELLAN. The votes were given as follows:

Curtin 209,498

Woodward 254,171

Majority 15,325

David Agnew was also elected judge.

The Legislature was divided as follows:

Senate.      House.

Republican 17   52

Democrat   18   48

Some small disturbances occurred in different parts of the State in consequence of opposition to the officers making the enrolment preparatory to the draft. Also in the Lehigh county, at the coal mines, much dissatisfaction existed for a short period in November. The publio institutions of the State were well sustained during the year.

A large amount of claims appear to have grown out of the raids of the enemy on the borders of the State. In May and June, 1861, General Patterson took possession of considerable land and tenements in Franklin county, for the use of his troops. The Federal Government had not paid these claims, and the subject was brought before the Legislature. Another class of claims arose in September, 1862, when General Longstreet occupied Hagerstown, Md., and threatened the Pennsylvania border. Horses, forage, and merchandise were then impressed by General Reynolds for the service of his troops. These claims were reported to the Legislature. Another class arose from the raid of General Smart, in October, 1862. In his course, he passed in the vicinity of Mercersburg, Bridgeport, St. Thomas, Chambersburg, Fayetteville, and Greenwood, in Franklin county, and through Cashtown, Fairfield, and other places in Adams county, seizing and destroying property along the line of his advance and retreat. Supposing the charges would not be paid by the Federal Government, the Legislature", in April, ordered the Dauphin County Court to appoint appraisers to ascertain the amount of the different claims. the appraisers reported an aggregate of $118,871 of damages.

Other claims have arisen since those above mentioned; some for the purchase of horses for the army of General McClellan, after the battle of Antietam, for which imperfect vouchers had been given; others, from the advance of General Lee's army, covering the counties of Franklin, Somerset, Bedford, Fulton, Adams, Cumberland, and York. The amount is estimated at millions, and if payment is not made by the United States, it will be urged upon the State.

RHODE ISLAND. The draft for soldiers in Rhode Island was completed in August. The number of men drawn who entered the service was 109; the number drawn who procured substitutes was 679; and the number who commuted by paying three hundred dollars was 461. The quota required from the State was 2,880, and the number drafted including the fifty per cent, was 4,320. Those who did not enter the service, or find substitutes, or commute, were discharged as aliens, or physically disqualified. In addition 716 recruits were furnished during the year to regiments in the field; one colored regiment numbering 1,400 was raised, and a cavalry regiment of 400 men. The State paid a bounty of $300 to recruits for regiments in the field.

The following amendment to the Constitution of the State was submitted to the people on October 4th. It required a' majority of three fifths of the votes to become adopted: Alien residents of this State who have enlisted or volunteered, or who may enlist or volunteer in any of the regiments of this State, and shall be honorably discharged therefrom, and who are now or may become naturalized citizens of the United States, shall be admitted to vote at all elections in this State on the same terms as native born citizens of this State.

The votes were given as follows:   Ay.        Na.

Providence county                           868    1,590

Newport county                               147     333

Kent county                                      93      316

Washington county                          153     303

Bristol county                                   48       203

Total                                               1,810    2,805

The election for State officers was held on the first Wednesday of April. The Republican Convention nominated for governor, James T. Smith, and the Democratic and Union Convention nominated Wm. W. Hoppin, who declined. Wm. E. Cozzens was subsequently nominated. The votes were given as follows: Smith, 10,828; Cozzens, 7,537; scattering 302.

The Legislature elect was divided as follows:

                   Senate. House.

Republicans      22  64

Democrats         13 18

The votes for members of Congress were as follows:

Repub. Dem. 1st District—Jenckes.... 6,582 Bradley.... 4,616 2nd District—Dixon 4,202 Brown 8,180

The balance in the State Treasury on May 1st, 1863, was $57,384. The receipts during the fiscal year had been $334,115. A new valuation of property was made throughout the State, by which the amount of taxable property was increased twenty-seven millions.

VERMONT. The number of troops sent into the army from this State up to January 1864, was 18,224. The Vermont regiments have suffered greatly during the war, having been in active service in various portions of the South, and. at the above date, 7,884 were all that remained in the service, of whom only 6,150 were on duty. The quota assigned to Vermont under the conscription act of 1863, was 4,715, of which number only 948 had entered the service or furnished substitutes, and 1,833 paid the commutation.

The annual State election caused some excitement. The Democratic State Convention met at Montpelier on the 26th of June, and nominated for governor Hon. T. P. Red field; lieut.-governor. E. A. Chapin; treasurer, R. McK. Ormsby. They adopted resolutions declaring that the liberties of the people are endangered by the Administration in establishing martial law in States where the Government is unobstructed, and committing tyrannical acts on loyal and unoffending citizens. The "platform" was similar to the one adopted by the Democratic State Convention of Ohio. An additional resolution thanked Governor Seymour of New York, for his letter to the Vallandigham meeting at Albany. The Union State Convention met at Burlington on the 8th of July, and nominated for governor, John G. Smith; lieut. governor, Paul Dillingham; treasurer, John R. Page. Resolutions were adopted pledging the men and means of Vermont to aid in putting down the rebellion; approving of the lawful and necessary use of the martial and civil powers of the Government for that object, and declaring that Northern traitors deserve greater reproach than Southern rebels. The Union ticket was elected by a large majority. The vote for governor stood as follows: Smith, 29,613; Redfield, 11,962; majority for Smith, 17,651. The agricultural interests of the State prospered during the year.

VIRGINIA, East. A loyal State government for East Virginia was organised during the year by the election of a legislature and the following State officers: governor, Francis H. Pierpont; lieut.-governor. L. P. C. Cowper; secretary of State, L A Hire; treasurer, G. T. Smith; auditor, L W. ebb; adjutant-general, F. E. Foster; attorney-general, T. R. Bowden. The loyal eastern counties of the State participated in the election. Alexandria was selected as the temporary capital. In his message to the Legislature, Governor Pierpont spoke of slavery as doomed, and Page 845 recommended the calling of a convention to alter the State constitution so as to abolish slavery forever. In December the Legislature passed an act directing that a convention should be held at Alexandria on the 13th of February, 1864, to amend the constitution and prohibit slavery in the counties of Accomac, Northampton, Princess Ann, Elizabeth City, and York, including the cities of Norfolk and Portsmouth. None but loyal citizens who had not assisted the rebels since January 1st, 1863, were allowed to vote, and any one whose vote might be challenged was required to take an oath to support the constitution, and to declare that he had not in any way given aid and comfort to the enemy. In December, J. 0. McLeod (a native Virginian) was elected to Congress from the 37th district.

VIRGINIA, West. The constitutional convention of West Virginia met during the month of February, and, among other important acts, adopted a resolution asking Congress to make an appropriation to aid West Virginia in emancipating her slaves.

On the 26th of March an election was held at which the "Willey amendment" was almost unanimously ratified. The effect of this amendment was to strike out from the constitution the clause excluding free negroes from the State, and to insert in place thereof certain provisions relative to freeing the slaves.

On the 20th of April the President issued a proclamation declaring that the State had complied with the required conditions. An election of State officers was held in May, and the following unconditional Union candidates were chosen by a vote of 30,000, without opposition: governor, Arthur I. Boreman; secretary of State, J. E. Boyers; treasurer, Campbell Tarr; auditor, Samuel Crane; attorney-general, A. B. Caldwell; judges of court of appeals, Ralph L. Berkshire, William A. Harrison, James H. Brown.

The inauguration of the new State took place at Wheeling (the capital), on the 20th of June, with imposing ceremonies. The retiring governor (Pierpont) briefly addressed the citizens, urging them not to forsake the national flag, and introduced the governor elect, whom he pronounced "true as steel." Governor Boreman made a short speech, in which he said that the only terms of peace were that the rebels should lay down their arms and submit to the regularly constituted authority of the United States. The General Assembly organized on the same day. In his inaugural message to the Legislature Governor Boreman recommended the immediate passage of laws to effectually extirpate slavery from the State, and that no man should bo permitted to vote or hold office until he had taken the oath of allegiance. The Legislature elected W. T. Willey, of Morgantown, and P. G. Van Winkle, of Parkersburg, U. S. senators.

West Virginia was called upon for 10,000 militia during the war. She had already put 20,000 troops into the field.

TERRITORIES OF THE UNITED STATES. These are Arizona, Colorado, Dakota, Idaho, Nebraska, Nevada, New Mexico. Utah, and Washington. These vast district) have attracted considerable attention during the year, in consequence of the mineral wealth. of several of them. Large numbers of persons have emigrated thither, and mining bas been commenced on an extensive scale. For the details of their area, population, and civil organizations, the reader is referred to the Annual Cyclopedia, 1862.


Source: The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.