The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.

Union States in 1861, Part 3: Missouri

MISSOURI, one of the largest States of the Union, and the first State formed wholly west of the Mississippi River, is bounded on the north by Iowa, on the east by the Mississippi River, on the south by Arkansas, and on the west by Kansas, Nebraska, and the Indian Territory. It is about 285 miles in its greatest length and 280 miles in width from north to south, and contains an area of 67,380 square miles. The population of the State in 1860 was 1,064,369 whites, 2,983 free colored, and 114,965 slaves; total, 1,182,817. The vote of the State for President in 1860 was: Lincoln 17,028, Douglas 58,801, Breckinridge 81,317, Bell 58,372. The Governor is elected for four years. The Senators are elected for four years, and the Representatives for two years.

Missouri is the only slaveholding Border State west of the Mississippi River. It had been so deeply and closely involved in the troubles in Kansas that the entire subject of conflict between the North and the South had, in fact, been developed within her limits. The public sentiment of the citizens was doubtless accurately expressed by Governor Stewart in his valedictory Message to the Legislature on the 3d of January: "Our people would feel more sympathy with the movement, had it not originated amongst those who, like ourselves, have suffered severe losses and constant annoyances from the interference and depredations of outsiders. Missouri will hold to the Union so long as it is worth the effort to preserve it. She cannot be frightened by the past unfriendly legislation of the North, or dragooned into secession by the restrictive legislation of the extreme South."

On the next day his successor, Governor Jackson, was inaugurated. In his Message, he insisted that Missouri must stand by the other slaveholding States, whatever course they may pursue. Missouri, however, was in favor of remaining in the Union so long as there was a hope of maintaining the guarantees of the Constitution. He was opposed to coercion in any event, but recommended the calling of a State Convention to ascertain the will of the people.

The question of holding a State Convention was brought before the Legislature, and the Senate passed the bill on the 16th of January, in favor of holding it, by a vote of yeas 31, nays 2. The clause, submitting the acts of the proposed Convention to the vote of the people, was in these words:

"No act, ordinance, or resolution shall bo valid to change or dissolve the political relations of this State to the Government of the United States, or any other State, until a majority of the qualified voters of the State shall ratify the same."

The Convention was required to assemble at the capital on the 28th day of February.

The proclamation stated that the object of the Convention was " to consider the relations between the Government of the United States, the people and Governments of the different States, and the Government and people of the State of Missouri, and to adopt such measures for vindicating the sovereignty of the State and the protection of its institutions as shall appear to them to be demanded."

At the time when this election for delegates was held, the public sentiment of the State had unquestionably settled in favor of a continuance of Missouri within the Union, and in hostility Page 478 to secession, except to resist coercion. Mr. Seward and Mr. Cameron had made their conciliatory speeches in the Senate; a loud voice was heard all over the central States calling for the immediate adoption of measures for the salvation of the Union and the adjustment of all questions of difference between the contending sections; assurances of Crittenden and Douglas were made that an adjustment would take place; and the general belief out of Congress was that in less than ninety days all the difficulties would bo honorably settled, unless the extreme Republicans should defeat all concessions, or unless South Carolina should determine to bring about a war by making an attack upon the forts or forces of the United States. The result of the election of delegates to the State Convention was the choice of a large majority of Union men by a large majority in the popular vote.

The Convention met at Jefferson City on the 28th of February and organized by the choice of a temporary chairman and committees on credentials, and a permanent organization, and adjourned to the next day. The report of the Committee on Rules was unanimously adopted. It included a rule requiring the officers of, and the delegates to, the Convention to take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States and of the State of Missouri. A motion was made to go into secret session, which was almost unanimously defeated.

A long and warm discussion ensued on a motion to reconsider the vote on the adoption of the rule to take the oaths, after which the Convention adjourned to meet in St. Louis.

On the 4th of March the Convention assembled at St. Louis, and, by a vote of 63 ayes to (53 noes, consented to hear Mr. Glenn, the Commissioner from the State of Georgia.

Mr. Glenn was then introduced to the Convention. He read the articles of secession adopted by Georgia, after which he made a speech, stating the causes which induced her to dissever her connection with the Federal Government, and strongly urged Missouri to join his State in the formation of a Southern Confederacy. His remarks were greeted with hissing and hooting from the lobby, which the Chairman failed to suppress.

On the next day resolutions were adopted providing that a committee be appointed to wait on the Commissioner from Georgia, and inform him that Missouri dissented from the position taken by that State, and very kindly, but emphatically, declined to share the honors of secession with her.

On the 6th various resolutions were referred, declining cooperation with Georgia in the secession movement, &c. One, offered by ex-Governor Stewart, declared that no overt act by the Government justifying secession or revolution had been committed. One, by Judge Orr, said that " Ours is the best government in the world, and we intend to preserve it."

A great number of resolutions were offered and referred on the next day. Among the most important of them was one providing for a committee to confer with the Border States as to the best means of keeping the "Western States in the Northern Confederacy; another, declaring that secession was a dangerous political heresy; that the Constitution had never failed to confer the blessings intended by its founders; that the Southern States had no excuse for seceding, and asking the Northern States to repeal all acts making the rendition of fugitive slaves difficult or impossible; another, that, believing there was no excuse for coercion, Missouri will furnish neither men nor money for that purpose, and that a National Convention be called, making the Crittenden compromise resolutions the basis of action; another, that the General Government be requested to yield up the custom-houses and other offices in the seceded States to the people, and withdraw the Federal officers and forces occupying them.

The report of the Committee on Federal Relations was made on the 9th of March by the Chairman, Governor Gamble. It made an explanation of all the circumstances surrounding the position and affecting the interests of Missouri; recounted the evils of which the South might rightfully complain; admonished the North that the hostile feelings towards Southern institutions manifested by a large number of the people of that section were productive of evil, and expressed the hope that a better knowledge of the subject would remove their prejudices. It did not assume a threatening attitude towards either extreme section of the country, but pointed out the errors of both, and concluded with a series of resolutions declaring that there was no cause to compel Missouri to dissolve her connection with the Federal Union. That the people of the State earnestly desired a fair and amicable adjustment of difficulties and the Union perpetuated; that the Crittenden resolutions afforded a basis of adjustment that would forever remove the cause of the difficulties from the arena of politics; that a National Convention to amend the Constitution would promote the peace and quiet of the country; that the employment of military force by the Federal Government to coerce the seceding States, or the employment of force by the seceding States to assail the Government of the United States would inevitably plunge the country into civil war, and thereby extinguish all hope of an amicable settlement of the issues impending. They therefore earnestly entreat the Federal Government, as well as the seceding States, to stay the arm of military power, and on no pretence whatever bring upon the nation the horrors of civil war.

The minority report from two of the committee was presented the next day. This report opposed the National Convention recommended by the majority report, and proposed a convention of the Border Slave States instead, Page 479 to be held at Nashville, to decide upon such amendments to the Constitution as might be satisfactory to them. It also recommended the Crittenden propositions to the Nashville Convention, without, however, making an ultimatum, and advised the appointment of Commissioners to Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, Kentucky, Tennessee, North Carolina, and Arkansas, to secure the cooperation of those States to the movement.

Afterwards, Mr. Birch called attention to a communication in the "Republican" print of that day, hinting at a secret conspiracy to force Missouri out of the Union, and offered a resolution to appoint a committee to investigate the subject, and, if possible, ascertain the names of the conspirators; which passed, 52 to 30.

In the Convention, on the 17th of March, the following was proposed as an amendment to one of the resolutions reported by the committee:

"And, further, believing that the fate of Missouri depends upon the peaceable adjustment of our present difficulties, she will never countenance or aid a seceding State in making war upon the General Government; nor will she provide men and money for the purposes of aiding the General Government in any attempt to coerce a seceding State."

It was rejected—ayes 30, noes 61. Several amendments to the report of the committee, favoring secession, were laid on the table by decided votes.

On the 19th the Convention proceeded to vote on the report of the committee. The first resolution, declaring that there was no cause for Missouri to dissolve her connection with the Federal Union, passed unanimously; the second, that the people of the State earnestly desired a fair and amicable adjustment of difficulties and the Union perpetuated, it was proposed to amend by adding thereto the following: "That, wishing to restore peace to our country, we desire the Federal Government to withdraw the troops from the forts now occupied by them in the seceded States."

This amendment was laid on the table, and the resolution was then adopted with but one dissenting vote.

The third, that the Crittenden resolutions offered a basis for adjustment, was then adopted; and also the fourth, urging a National Convention to amend the Constitution. The fifth resolution was amended, so as to read as follows:

"That the Convention cherish an earnest desire to prevent civil war, and that this would be promoted by the withdrawal of the Federal troops from those forts where there is danger of collision, and that the Convention recommend the adoption of this policy."

In this form the resolution was passed; yeas 89, nays 6.

The last act of the Convention, previous to adjournment, was to elect seven delegates to the proposed Border States Convention.

On the 27th, in the State Legislature, the Committee on Federal Relations in the House reported the following joint resolution, which was passed by a vote of 62 to 42:

Resolved, That it is inexpedient for the General Assembly to take any steps for a National Convention, to propose any amendments to the Constitution, as recommended by the State Convention.

The excitement occasioned by the events of the latter part of April soon passed over. A more rational and hopeful view of affairs was entertained. The ill temper, and the disposition to hurry the State into rash and indefensible measures, were less apparent in Missouri than many other States. She was not, indeed, in a condition to commit herself to any distinct line of policy.

On the 20th of April the arsenal at Liberty was seized and garrisoned by a hundred men. The arms and cannon were distributed in the county. The Governor, at this time, declared his policy to be in favor of peace, saying that he convened the Legislature only for the purpose of more perfectly organizing the militia, and putting the State in a proper attitude of defence. He urged the President of the State Convention not to call that body together for the passage of a secession ordinance; he was in favor of retaining the present status of the State, leaving it to time and circumstances as they might arise to determine the best course for Missouri to pursue.

He thought the President, in calling out troops to subdue the seceded States, threatens civil war, and he pronounced the act unconstitutional, and as tending towards the establishment of a consolidated despotism. He recommended ample preparations against aggressions by all assailants. He appealed to the Legislature to do nothing imprudently or precipitately, but endeavor to unite all for the preservation of the honor of the State, the security of property, and the performance of the high duties imposed by their obligations to their country and to their God.

The news of the surrender of Camp Jackson was received at Jefferson City on the evening of the 10th, between five and six o'clock, and produced a great panic in the Legislature, then in session. The despatch was read, and the military bill, which was pending, passed within fifteen minutes afterwards, and was sent into the Senate, and likewise passed that body. This act took effect on its passage:

A military fund was created, for the purpose of arming and equipping the militia. To this was to be appropriated all the money then in the Treasury, or afterwards to be received on the assessments for 1860-'61, as well as the proceeds of the special tax of one mill on the hundred dollars levied to secure the completion of certain railroads, or from other sources, except a sufficiency to carry on the State Government, and support its penal and benevolent institutions.

The Governor was authorized to receive a Page 480 loan of $500,000 from the banks, at any rate of interest not exceeding ten per cent. Fifteen cents on the hundred dollars of the assessed value of taxable property in all the counties were ordered to be collected during the years 1861, 1862, 1863, in addition to the tax levied by law.

The Governor was authorized to purchase arms and munitions of war, and to issue $1,000,000 in bonds, payable respectively in February, 1862, 1863, and 1864, in sums of not less than ten or more than five hundred dollars, to be received in payment of taxes.

That portion of the general revenue laws appropriating one-fourth of the two mill tax for the purpose of education was suspended until the year 1863; and any funds in the State Treasury, or which might come into the hands of the Treasurer, from the two mill tax, was placed to the credit of the military fund.

The military were put under the command of the Governor, and required to take an oath to obey him alone. Every able-bodied man in the State was made subject to do military duty.

During this time another despatch was received, stating that it was the battery of the southwest expedition which had been demanded and surrendered. This put a different phase on the matter, and was quite generally received as the true version of the affair.

The telegraph was then taken possession of by the Governor, and every thing remained in uncertainty, but the excitement began to decrease. The two Douses met at half-past seven, and continued in session until half-past nine. Peaceably-disposed citizens retired to rest, but shortly after twelve o'clock the whole town was roused by the ringing of bells and the shouts of men calling the members of the Legislature. A tremendous thunder-storm prevailed at the time, and continued for two or three hours, and the hurrying of citizens through the streets on foot and horse, the vivid lightning and heavy thunder, produced a scene not soon to be forgotten. The members hurried to the Capitol, (having first to pass sentinels who had been stationed about the building,) and immediately went into secret session, which continued until half-past three o'clock.

The cause of this unusual commotion was a despatch, which was received late at night, stilting that two thousand troops would leave St. Lotus at eleven o'clock for Jefferson City. Before the two Douses adjourned, however, news was received that the Osage bridge had been burned, and it was pretty well settled that if the troops were on their way they could hardly get through before ample preparations could be made to receive them. In consequence of this despatch, 12,000 kegs of powder were at once loaded into wagons and sent off into the country, and the State treasure was also removed to some place for safe keeping.

The next day matters became more quiet, and the true state of affairs was made known. The surrender of Camp Jackson and the killing of citizens in St. Louis, as before reported, were confirmed. (See St. Louis.)

Under the influence of the despatches bills were introduced and passed both Douses after one o'clock on Sunday morning, giving the Governor more perfect control over St. Louis; also, the most ample power for suppressing riots and insurrectionary movements throughout the State. On the 15th the Legislature adjourned until September. On the same day General Harney, who had arrived at St. Louis and resumed the charge of his military department, issued a proclamation to the people of the State. He described the military bill of the Legislature as a secession ordinance, and stated the purposes of the Federal Government in regard to Missouri. He said:

It is with regret that I feel it my duty to call your attention to the recent act of the General Assembly of Missouri, known as the military bill, which is the result, no doubt, of the temporary excitement that now pervades the public mind. This bill cannot be regarded in any other light than an indirect secession ordinance, ignoring even the forms resorted to by other States. Manifestly its most material provisions arc in conflict with the Constitution and laws of the United States. To this extent it is a nullity, and cannot and ought not to be upheld or regarded by the good citizens of Missouri. There are obligations and duties resting upon the people of Missouri under the Constitution and laws of the United States which are paramount, and which, I trust, you will carefully consider and weigh well before you will allow yourselves to be carried out of the Union, under the form of yielding obedience to this military bill, which is clearly in violation of your duties as citizens of the United States.

It must be apparent to every one who has taken a proper and unbiased view of the subject, that, whatever may be the termination of the unfortunate condition of things in respect to the so-called "Cotton States," Missouri must share the destiny of the Union. Her geographical position, her soil, productions, and, in short, all her material interests point to this result. We cannot shut our eyes against this controlling fact. It is seen, and its force is felt throughout the nation. So important is this regarded to the great interests of the country, that I venture to express the opinion that the whole power of the Government of the United States, if necessary, will be exerted to maintain Missouri in her present position in the Union. I express to you, in all frankness and sincerity, my own deliberate convictions, without assuming to speak for the Government of the United States, whose authority, here and elsewhere, I shall at all times, and under all circumstances, endeavor faithfully to uphold.

On the 20th a plan was agreed upon between Gens. Darney and Price for the maintenance of peace and the avoidance of conflicts between the Federal and State Governments. General Price pledged the whole power of the State to maintain order among the people, and General Harney declared that, this being answered, he had no wish to make any further military movement in the State. They mutually enjoined upon the people to attend to their civil business, and expressed the hope that the elements which had so seriously threatened the public peace would soon subside.

This plan, however, proved unsuccessful, and on the 11th of June General N. Lyon, Colonel Frank P. Blair, and Major H. A. Conant, on Page 481 the part of the Government, and Governor Jackson, General Price, and Thomas L. Snead, on the part of the State, had a four hours' interview at St. Louis, which resulted in no pacific measures being adopted. Governor Jackson demanded that no United States forces should be quartered or marched through the State.

General Lyon laid down his views, as a servant of the Government, somewhat to this effect: That if the Government withdrew its forces entirely, resort would be made to secret and subtle measures to provide arms and effect organizations which, upon any pretext, could put forth a formidable opposition to the General Government, and even while arming, combinations would doubtless form in certain localities to oppress and drive out loyal citizens, to whom the Government was bound to give protection, but which it would be helpless to do, as also to repress such combinations, if its forces could not be sent into the State. A large aggressive force might be formed and advanced from the exterior into the State, to assist it in carrying out the secession programme, and the Government could not, under the limitation proposed, take posts on these borders to meet and repel such force. The Government could not shrink from its duties nor abdicate its corresponding rights; and, in addition to the above, it was the duty of its civil officers to execute civil process, and in case of resistance to receive the support of military force. The proposition of the Governor would at once overturn the Government's privileges and prerogatives which he (General Lyon) had neither the wish nor authority to do. In his -opinion, if the Governor and the State authorities would earnestly set about to maintain the peace of the State, and declare their purposes to resist outrages upon loyal citizens of the Government, and repress insurrections against it, and, in case of violent combinations, needing cooperation of the United States troops, they should call upon or accept such assistance, and in case of threatened invasion, the Government troops took suitable posts to meet it, the purposes of the Government would be subserved, and no infringements of the State's right or dignity committed. He would take good care, in such faithful cooperation of the State authorities to this end, that no individual should be injured in person or property, and that the utmost delicacy should be observed towards all peaceable persons concerned in these relations. Upon this basis, in General Lyon's opinion, could the rights of both the General and State Governments bo secured and peace maintained. After the interview the Governor returned to Jefferson City, and on the 12th issued his proclamation calling into active service fifty thousand of the State militia, "for the purpose of repelling invasion, and for the protection of the lives, liberty, and property of the citizens." He thus describes the events which had thus far occurred:

A series of unprovoked and unparalleled outrages have been inflicted upon the peace and dignity of this Commonwealth, and upon the rights and liberties of its people, by wicked and unprincipled men, professing to act under the authority of the United States Government; the solemn enactments of your Legislature have been nullified; your volunteer soldiers nave been taken prisoners; your commerce with your sister States has been suspended; your trade with your own fellow-citizens has been and is subjected to the harassing control of an armed soldiery; peaceful citizens have been imprisoned without warrant of law; unoffending and defenceless men, women, and children have been ruthlessly shot down and murdered; and other unbearable indignities have been heaped upon your State and yourselves.

To all these outrages and indignities you have submitted with a patriotic forbearance, which has only encouraged the perpetrators of these grievous wrongs to attempt still bolder and more daring usurpations.

It has been my earnest endeavor, under all these embarrassing circumstances, to maintain the peace of the State, and to avert, if possible, from our borders the desolating effects of a civil war. With that object in view, I authorized Major-General Price, several weeks ago, to arrange with General Harney, commanding the Federal forces in this State, the terms of an agreement bv which the peace of the State might be preserved. 'They came, on the 21st of May, to un understanding, which was made public. The State authorities have faithfully labored to carry out the terms of that agreement.'

The Federal Government, on the other hand, only manifested its strong disapprobation of it, by the instant dismissal of the distinguished officer who, on his part, entered into it; but it at once began, and has unintermittingly carried out a system of hostile operations, in utter contempt of that agreement, and the reckless disregard of its own plighted faith. These acts have latterly portended revolution and civil war so unmistakably, that I resolved to make one further effort to avert these dangers from you. I therefore solicited an interview with Brigadier-General Lyon, commanding the Federal army in Missouri. It was granted, and, on the 10th instant, waiving all questions of personal and official dignity, I went to St. Louis, accompanied by Major-General Price.

We had an interview on the 11th instant, with General Lyon and Colonel F. P. Blair, jr., at which I submitted to them this proposition: That I would disband the State Guard and break up its organization; that 1 would disarm all the companies which had been armed by the State; that I would pledge myself not to attempt to organize the militia under the military bill; that no arms or munitions of war should be brought into the State; that I would protect nil citizens equally in all their rights, regardless of their political opinions; that I would repress all insurrectionary movements within the State; that I would repel all attempts to invade it, from whatever quarter and by whomsoever made; and that I would thus maintain a strict neutrality in the present unhappy contest, and preserve the peace of the State. And I further proposed that I would, if necessary, invoke the assistance of the United States troops to carry out these pledges. All this I proposed to do upon condition that the Federal Government would undertake to disarm the Home Guard, which it has illegally organized and armed throughout the State, and pledge itself not to occupy with its troops any localities in the State not occupied by them at this time. Nothing but the most earnest desire to avert the horrors ot civil war from our beloved State, could have tempted me to propose these humiliating terms. They were rejected by the Federal officers.

They demanded not only the disorganization and disarming of the State militia, and the nullification of the military bill, hut they refused to disarm their own Home Guards, and insisted that the Federal Government should enjoy an unrestricted right to move and station its troops throughout the State whenever and wherever that might, in the opinion of its officers, be Page 482 necessary either for the protection of the "loyal subjects" of the Federal Government, or for the repelling of invasion, and they plainly announced that it was the intention of the Administration to take military occupation, under these pretexts, of the whole State, and to reduce it, as avowed by General Lyon himself, to the " exact condition of Maryland." The acceptance by me of these degrading terms would not only have sullied the honor of Missouri, but would have aroused the indignation of every brave citizen, and precipitated the very conflict which it has been my aim to prevent. We refused to accede to them, and the conference was broken up.

He thus closes:

While it is your duty to obey all the constitutional requirement of the Federal Government, it is equally my duty to advise you that your first allegiance is duo to your own State, and that you are under no obligation whatever to obey the unconstitutional edicts of the military despotism which has enthroned itself at Washington, nor to submit to the infamous and degrading sway of its wicked minions in this State. No brave and true-hearted Missourian will obey the one or submit to the other. Rise, then, and drive out ignominiously the invaders who have dared to desecrate the soil which your labors have made fruitful, and which is consecrated by your homes.

It is asserted in this proclamation that General Harney's removal showed the disapprobation of the Federal Government with the arrangement concluded between that officer and General Price. The arrangement was made on the 21st of Mar, but the order of removal was dated May 16th. This order was not served on General Harney until May 29th or 30th, the same day that the General served a final answer in the case of Emmett McDonald, (see Habeas Corpus.) In the proclamation of General Lyon, dated June 17th, five days after that of General Jackson, there is a copy of an order from the War Department, directed to General Harney, "commanding Department of the West, St. Louis," and dated May 27th. This is eleven days after the date of the order for General Harney's removal, and two or three days before the order was served upon him. That order was as follows;

Adjutant-General's Office,  Washington,

May 27, 1861.

Brigadier-General W. S. Harney, Commanding Department West, St. Louis;

Sir: The President observes with concern that, notwithstanding the pledge of the State authorities to cooperate in preserving the peace of Missouri, loyal citizens in great numbers continue to be driven from their homes. It is immaterial whether these outrages continue from inactivity or indisposition on the part of the State authorities to prevent them. It is enough that they continue, and it will devolve on you the duty of putting a stop to them summarily by the force under your command, to be aided by such troops as you may require from Kansas, Iowa, and Illinois. The professions of loyalty to the Union by the State authorities of Missouri are not to be relied upon. They have already falsified their professions too often, and are too far committed to secession to be admitted to your confidence, and you can only be sure of their desisting from their wicked purposes when it is not in their power to prosecute them. You will, therefore, be unceasingly watchful of their movements, and not permit the clamors of the partisans and opponents of the measures already taken to prevent you from checking every movement against the Government, however disguised, under the pretended State authority. The authority of the United States is paramount, and whenever it is apparent that a movement, whether by order of State authority or not, is hostile, you will not hesitate to put it down.

                          L. THOMAS,

                              Adjutant-General.

The proclamation issued by General Lyon on June 17th, five days after that of Governor Jackson, was designed not only to counteract the impressions produced by the latter, but also to stale the reasons for the measures about to bo commenced. General Lyon states that the Governor and Legislature sympathized with the secession movements, and adopted every means to effect a separation of the State from the Federal Government. The establishment of encampments at an unusual period of the year, and for an indefinite time, could have no other object than the concentration of a large military force, to be subjected to the provisions of the military law. This bill provided for an obligation to the State on the part of all persons enrolled under its provisions irrespective of any obligation to the United States. This, of itself, General Lyon declares, was a repudiation of the authority of the Federal Government, and, coupled with the surrounding circumstances, would lead to direct hostilities. The agreement between General Harney and General Price was based on a repudiation of this military bill, and all efforts of the militia of the State under its provisions. But it failed to define specifically the terms of peace, and how far a suspension of the terms of the bill should form a part of it. Hence constant complaints had been made to him, and next to Washington, accompanied with appeals for relief by peaceful citizens from the exasperating hardships imposed under the bill. This relief General Lyon conceived it to be the duty of a just Government to give. Its policy is found, ho says, in the order to General Harney of May 27th above mentioned. He then proceeds in these words:

It is my design to carry out these instructions in their letter and spirit. Their justice and propriety will be appreciated by whoever takes an enlightened view of the relations of the citizens of Missouri to the General Government Nor can such policy be construed as at all disparaging to the rights or dignity of the State of Missouri, or as infringing in any sense upon the individual liberty of its citizens. The recent proclamation of Governor Jackson, by which he has set at defiance the authorities of the United States, and urged you to make war upon them, is but a consummation of his treasonable purposes, long indicated by his acts and expressed opinions, and now made manifest. If, in suppressing these treasonable projects, carrying out the policy of the Government, and maintaining its dignity as above indicated, hostilities should unfortunately occur, and unhappy consequences should follow, I would hone that all aggravation of those events may be avoided, and that they may be diverted from the innocent, and may fall only ou the heads of those by whom they have been provoked.

In the discharge of these plain but onerous duties, I shall look for the countenance and active cooperation of all good citizens, and I shall expect them to discountenance all illegal combinations or organizations, and support and uphold, by every lawful means, tin: Federal Government, upon the maintenance of which depend their liberties and the perfect enjoyment of all their rights.

                                             S. LYON,

Brigadier-General U. S. Volunteers, Commanding.

The movement of troops now immediately commenced. On the 13th the steamer Iatan left St. Louis with the second battalion of the First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, one section of Totten's Light Artillery, and two companies of regulars, and the steamer J. 0. Swan, with the first battalion of the First Regiment, under Colonel Blair, and another section of Totten's battery, and a detachment of pioneers, and General Lyon and staff, numbering fifteen hundred men, for Jefferson City. Horses, wagons, and all necessary camp equipage, ammunition, and provisions for a long inarch, accompanied the expedition.

On the 15th they arrived at Jefferson City. Five companies of Missouri Volunteers, under Lieut.-Colonel Andrews, and a company of regular artillery under Captain Totten, all under General Lyon, disembarked and occupied the city. Governor Jackson and the officers of the State Government, and many citizens, had left on the 13th.

A company of regulars, under Major Conant, thoroughly searched the country for contraband articles, and found some wheels and other parts of artillery carriages. No violence was offered, but, on the contrary, the boats containing the Federal troops were received with cheers by a large concourse of the citizens.

On the next day General Lyon left for Booneville. Previously, however, he placed Colonel Henry Boernstein, of the Second Missouri Volunteers, in command, and, on the next day, the 17th of June, he issued a proclamation declaring that he acted in the absence of the regular State authorities, who had fled, to prevent anarchy and lawlessness. The proclamation was as follows:

HEAD-QUARTERS CAPITAL, 

Jefferson City, June 17. 

To the Citizens of Cole County and the adjoining counties of Missouri:

Citizens: I have been appointed by the commanding General commander of this place, with the view to extend my authority over Cole and the adjacent counties, in order to preserve the peace and tranquillity of all citizens, and assist the authorities in the maintenance of the Government and of the Union, the enforcement of the constitutional laws of the country.

By the precipitate flight of Governor C. F. Jackson and others, you have been left without State authority and without a government. This state of things would have produced lawlessness and anarchy and all their consequent evils. It has therefore been deemed necessary to supply this lack by appointing a commander of this place, having surveillance over the city and its vicinity. I therefore call upon the city authorities, as well as the authorities of this county, to continue the legal exercise of their official duties, and I will be always ready to lend them my assistance for the enforcement of the constitutional laws of the country. I do not wish to interfere with their official business, neither do I intend to meddle with the private business of the citizens. Your personal safety will be protected and your property will be respected. Slave property will not be interfered with by any part of my command, nor will slaves be allowed to enter my lines without written authority from their masters; and notwithstanding we are m times of war, I shall endeavor to execute my instructions with moderation and forbearance, and "at the same time shall not suffer the least attempt to destroy the Union and its Government by the performance of any unlawful act. I shall prosecute and deliver tip to the proper authorities all traitors and their accomplices, aiders, and abettors.

I call upon all friends of the Union, and upon all good citizens, to form themselves into companies of Home Guards for the protection of the Union; to arm themselves and to drill. I will be very glad to have them, as far as possible, instructed by my officers, and to contribute with all my power to their military education. Every citizen who has business with the commander of the place, or intends to bring some complaint before him, will have free access to my head-quarters from 10 to 12 o'clock.

All my soldiers will observe the strictest discipline, and I hope that the support of all good citizens will enable me to keep this city and vicinity in perfect peace and order, and to keep far from them the terror and devastation of the war.

HENRY BOERNSTEIN,

Colonel Commanding 2d Regiment Mo. Volunteers.

Meantime Governor Jackson, on leaving Jefferson City, summoned the State troops to his support at Booneville, which is situated on the south bank of the Missouri River, and forty-eight miles northwest of Jefferson City. Several companies from the adjacent counties joined him, under Colonel Marmaduke.

Leaving Jefferson City on the 10th, General Lyon proceeded on the steamers A. McDowell, Iatan, and City of Louisiana, up the river, and stopped for the night about one mile below Providence. Early in the morning he started with his force, and reached Rochefort before six o'clock, when he learned that a small force of the State troops was a few miles below Booneville, and preparing to make a vigorous defence. Proceeding on, they discovered, about six miles from Booneville, on the bluffs, a battery, and also scouts moving. A landing was made about 1 o'clock two miles lower down, on the south bank of the river; the troops began to move on the river road to Booneville. Following it about a mile and a half to the spot where it begins to ascend the bluffs, several' shots announced the driving in of the enemy's pickets. On the summit of the bluffs the enemy were posted. The Federal force advanced and opened the engagement by throwing a few nine-pounder shells, while the infantry filed to the right and left, and commenced a fire of musketry. The enemy stood their ground manfully for a time, then began to retire, and withdrew in order. The Federal force was two thousand, only a small portion of which was engaged, and its loss was two killed and nine wounded. The number of the State troops was small. They admitted ten as killed, and several as having been taken prisoners. Some shoes, guns, blankets, &c, were taken by the Federal troops. This was the first hostile collision in the State like a skirmish or battle between those representing the authority of the United States and any of the officers of the State Government or forces under them. General Lyon, therefore, deemed it necessary to issue the following proclamation:

Booneville, June 18,1861

To the People of Missouri:

Upon leaving St. Louis, in consequence of war made by the Governor of this State against the Government Page 484 of the United States, because I would not assume on its behalf to relinquish its duties, and abdicate its rights of protecting loyal citizens from the oppression and cruelty of the secessionists in this State, I published an address to the people, in which I declared my intention to use the force under my command for no other purpose than the maintenance of the authority of the General Government, and the protection of the rights and property of all law-abiding citizens.

The State authorities, in violation of an agreement with General Harney on the 2d of May last, had drawn together and organized upon a large scale the means of warfare, and, having made a declaration of war, they abandoned the capital, issued orders for the destruction of the railroad and telegraph lines, and proceeded to this point to put into execution their hostile purposes towards the General Government. This devolved upon me the necessity of meeting this issue to the best of my ability, and accordingly I moved to this point with a portion of the force under my command, attacked and dispersed the hostile forces gathered here by the Governor, and took possession of the camp equipage left, and a considerable number of prisoners, most of them young and of immature age, and who represent that they have been misled by frauds, ingeniously devised and industriously inculcated by designing leaders, who seek to devolve upon unreflecting and deluded followers the task of securing the object of their own false ambition.

Out of compassion for these misguided youths, and to correct the impressions created by unscrupulous calumniators, I liberated them upon the condition that they will not serve in the impending hostilities against the United States Government.

I have done this in spite of the well-known facts that the leaders in the present rebellion, having long experienced the mildness of the General Government, still feel confident that this mildness cannot be overtaxed even by factious hostilities, having in view its overthrow; but lest, as in the case of the late Camp Jackson affair, this clemency shall still be misconstrued, it is proper to give warning that the Government cannot always be expected to indulge in it to the compromise of its evident welfare.

Hearing that those plotting against the Government have falsely represented that the Government troops intended a forcible and violent invasion of Missouri Tor purposes of military despotism and tyranny, I hereby give notice to the people of this State that I shall scrupulously avoid all interference with the business, right, and property of every description recognized by the laws of the State, and belonging to law-abiding citizens. But it is equally my duty to maintain the paramount authority of the United States with such force as I have at my command, which will be retained only so long as opposition makes it necessary, and that it is my wish, and shall be my purpose, to visit any unavoidable rigor arising in this issue upon those only who provoke it.

All persons, who, under the misapprehensions above mentioned have taken up arms, or who are preparing to do so, are invited to return to their homes and relinquish their hostilities towards the Federal Government, and are assured that they may do so without being molested for past occurrences.

N. LYON,

Brigadier U. S. Army, Commanding.

On the 18th. Governor Jackson was at Syracuse, about twenty-live miles south of Booneville, with about five hundred men. Property was taken from Union citizens, also the rolling stock of the railroad by the force, when they further retired to Warsaw, destroying the Lamoine bridge, a costly structure, six miles west of Syracuse. On the same day a skirmish took place near the town of Cole, between a force of Union Home Guards and State troops from Warsaw and that region, in which the former were put to flight. Military affairs now progressed so rapidly that the force concentrated in the State reached 10,000 men, 2,500 of whom were stationed at Herman and Jefferson City, 3,200 at Rolla, the terminus of the southwest branch of the Pacific Railroad, 1,000 on the North Missouri Railroad, and 1,000 at Bird's Point, opposite Cairo. In addition to this there was a force of 2,500 remaining at St. Louis, which could be increased to 10,000 in a few hours by accessions from the neighboring camps in Illinois. These troops held the entire portion of the State north of the river, the southeast quarter lying between the Mississippi and a line drawn southward from Jefferson City to the Arkansas border, thus giving to the Federal Government the important points of St. Louis, Hannibal, St. Joseph, and Bird's Point as a base of operations, with the rivers and railroads as a means of transportation. On the 24th the State Treasurer, the Auditor, and Land Register, who had retired with the Governor, returned to Jefferson City and took the oath of allegiance, and entered upon their duties. The Home Guard of the capital were furnished with arms, and drilled under the direction of Colonel Boernstein, and intrenchments for the defence of the place against attacks were erected. Several expeditions were sent by General Lyon to various parts of the State where collections of secessionists were reported, but the latter succeeded in getting away before the arrival of the Federal troops. In the latter part of June General Fremont was ordered to take command of the Department of the West. Since General Harney had been ordered to another post, Captain Lyon, who had been promoted to a brigadier-generalship, had been in command. (See Lyon.) On the 5th of July a sharp engagement took place between some of General Lyon's troops, under Colonel Siegel, assisted by Colonel Salomon, and a body of State troops under General Rains and Colonel Parsons, at a place called Carthage, in Jasper County, in Southwestern Missouri. (See Carthage.) This movement of General Lyon up the Missouri River, and through the central part of the State, had the effect to restrain the secessionists, and prevent them from organizing a formidable force. On the 3d of July General Lyon with his forces left Boonville for the southwestern counties of the State, intending to proceed as far as Springfield. General Sweeny was in the meanwhile at Springfield with a small Union force, and on the 4th of July he issued the following proclamation, which explains in a few words the state of affairs in that quarter of the State:

HEAD-QUARTERS,SOUTHWEST EXPEDITIONS,

SPRINGFIELD, Mo., July 4, 1861.

To the Citizens of Southwest Missouri:

Your Governor has striven to cause the State to withdraw from the Union. Failing to accomplish this Page 485 purpose by legislative enactment, he has already committed treason by levying war against the United States. He has endeavored to have you commit the same crime. Hence he has called for troops to enter the military service of the State, not to aid, but to oppose the Government of the United States.

The troops under my command are stationed in your midst by the proper authority of our Government. They are amongst you not as enemies, but as friends and protectors of all loyal citizens. Should an insurrection of your slaves take place, it would be my duty to suppress it, and I should use the force at my command for that purpose. It is my duty to protect all loyal citizens in the enjoyment and possession of all their property, slaves included. That duty shall be performed.

I require all troops and armed men in this part of the State now assembled, and which are arrayed against the Government of the United States, to immediately disperse and return to their homes. If this shall not be done without delay, those hordes of armed men will be taken prisoners or dispersed. I request every citizen who acknowledges he owes allegiance to the United States to aid me to prevent the shedding of blood and to restore peace and quiet to this portion of the State. Those who have manifested a want of loyalty, either by word or act, towards the Government of the United States, are requested to appear before me, or any officer in command of any post or any detachment of troops under my command, and take an oath of allegiance to our Government. Gross misrepresentations of the oath which has already been administered to many of your most respectable citizens have been made. No loyal citizen will decline to take such an oath. It is the duty of every good citizen to bear allegiance to the Government and to support the Constitution of the United States, not to encourage secession by word or act, and to obey all legal orders emanating from the constituted authorities of the land. No loyal citizen will bear arms against his Government or give aid and support to the enemies of the country. Such, in brief, are the obligations required.

I assure you the Government of the United States will deal leniently yet firmly with all its citizens who have been misled', and who desire to maintain and preserve the best Government ever devised by human wisdom.

T. W. SWEENY, U. S. A.,

Brigadier-General Commanding.

On the 16th General Lyon reached Springfield, his command being then ten miles north of the town, and having been increased by the addition of the force under General Sturgis. On the 20th orders were given to General Sweeny with twelve hundred men, to break up a secession camp located at Forsyth, about fifty miles south of Springfield. The troops consisted of two companies of dragoons, a section of a battery, a part of the First Iowa and the Second Kansas regiments, and some mounted Kansas Volunteers. They reached their destination at two p. m. on Monday, just in time to see the enemy rapidly retiring. Blankets, rifles, provisions, and a large quantity of lead were captured.

On the 1st of August General Lyon ordered his entire command, with the exception of a small guard, to rendezvous at Crane's Creek, ten miles south of Springfield. The command was composed as follows: five companies First and Second regiments Regulars, Major Sturgis. Five companies First Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Lieut.-Colonel Andrews. Two companies Second Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Major Osterhaus. Three companies Third Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel . Fifth Regiment Missouri Volunteers, Colonel Salomon. First Regiment Iowa Volunteers, Colonel J. F. Bates. First Regiment Kansas Volunteers, Colonel Deitzler. Second Regiment Kansas Volunteers, Colonel Mitchell. Two companies First Regular Cavalry, Captains Stanley and Carr. Three companies First Regular Cavalry, (recruits,) Lieut. Lathrop. Captain I. Totten's battery Regular Artillery, six guns, six and twelve-pounders. Lieut. Dubois' battery Regular Artillery, four guns, six and twelve-pounders. Captain Shaeffer's battery Missouri Volunteer Artillery, six guns, six and twelve pounders.

Brigadier-Generals Sweeny, Siegel, and Major Sturgis were intrusted with the most important subsidiary commands.

The march commenced that afternoon, and the camp reached about ten o'clock that night. The next morning the march was resumed, and about five o'clock that afternoon a body of the enemy were overtaken, when a brisk interchange of shots between the skirmishers took place. Upon this, a body of the enemy's infantry, about five hundred in number, approached, apparently with the design of cutting off an advanced body of the Federal infantry. Several volleys were interchanged, when a charge was made by a body of regulars. The enemy's ranks were thus broken, and they retreated. The place of this skirmish was Dug Springs. The march was continued as far as Curran, twenty-six miles from Springfield, but the heat of the weather, shortness of provisions, and the fact that a strong Confederate force was posted in front, and a large division had also moved in the direction of Sarcoxie, while it was necessary that communication should be kept open to Springfield, led General Lyon to determine to return to that town.

State troops under General Price were collected in the southwestern counties, and encountered General Lyon at Wilson's Creek, where a battle was fought, in which he lost his life, on the 10th of August. Gens. McCulloch and Price commanded the State troops and some Confederate forces from Arkansas. The locality of this battle is near Springfield, and it is called both Wilson's Creek and Oak Hill. (See Wilson's Creek.)

In the northern counties of Missouri there was the same division of sentiment, which was rapidly arousing a hostile spirit. Squads of troops from Illinois were soon stationed at important places, while State troops gathered to oppose them. The destruction of property and bloody skirmishes soon followed. At Monroe station, thirty miles west of Hannibal, an attack was made by secession troops, on July 11th, on the railroad station-house, which was burned with six passenger and eighteen freight cars. A portion of the railroad track was torn up on each side of the town. On the saint' night the bridge of the Hannibal and St. Josephs Railroad was burned. On the 15th Brigadier General Hurlburt, in command of the volunteer Page 486 force, issued a lengthy proclamation to the people of the northeastern counties, warning them that the men or body of men who venture to stand in defiance of the supreme authority of the Union, endangered their lives. On the l6th a skirmish took place at Millville, about thirty miles above St. Charles, on the North Missouri Railroad. About eight hundred Union troops had reached this point, when the track was torn up, and they were fired upon by a secession force, and an engagement followed, in which a small number were killed and wounded on each side.

A little further south, near Fulton, in Calloway County, about twenty-three miles northeast of Jefferson City, a skirmish took place on the 17th, between Colonel McNeil, with about 600 men, and General Harris, with a considerable force, in which the latter were routed with a loss of several as prisoners. On the 19th General Pope, who had been assigned to the command in Northern Missouri, issued the following proclamation:

St. Charles, Mo., July 19.

To the People of North Missouri:

By virtue of power and authority I have assumed command of North Missouri. 1 appear among you with a force strong enough to maintain the authority of the Government, and too strong to be resisted by any means in your possession usual warfare. Upon your own assurances that you would respect the laws of the United States, and preserve the peace, no troops have hitherto been sent in your section of the country. The assurances for the last ten days, however, have plainly exhibited your lack of either the power or inclination to fully carry out the pledges, and the Government has therefore found it necessary to occupy North Missouri with a force powerful enough to impel obedience to the laws. As soon as it is made manifest that you will respect its authority and put down unlawful combinations against it, you will be relieved of the presence of the forces under my command, but not until then. I therefore warn all persons taking up arms against the National authority, who attempt to commit depredations upon public or private property, or who molest unoffending and peaceful citizens, that they will be dealt with in a most summary manner, without waiting civil process.

JOHN POPE,

Brigadier-General U. S. A., Commanding.

He had previously proceeded from St. Louis to St. Charles, where his head-quarters were established, in order to take charge of that department. His command in North Missouri was seven thousand strong, and so posted that Jefferson City, Booneville, Lexington, and all the principal points in the northern parts of the State were within easy striking distance.

About the same time that General Lyon left St. Louis for Jefferson City, June 15, other troops, consisting of ten companies, left for Rolla, which is the termination of the southwest branch of the Pacific Railroad, and 118 miles from St. Louis. This force was increased subsequently, and active operations took place in that section of the State.

Such is a brief notice of the actual skirmishes and battles which took place in the State during the month of July, and including the events at Dug Springs and Wilson's Creek, in the month of August. They afford a very faint indication of the excitement, the uncertainty, and the division of sentiment which existed at that time. The majority of the people, however, were evidently warm Union men, and the decided action of the State Convention secured their adhesion to the support of the Federal

Government. Meanwhile, on the 6th of July, the following call was issued for the assembling of the State Convention:

St. Louis, July 6,1861.

We, the undersigned, being a majority of the Committee of the Convention of the State of Missouri, charged with the duty of convening said Convention, at such time prior to the third Monday of December, 1861, and at such place as they may think the public exigencies require, do hereby notify the said Convention to assemble and meet at Jefferson City in the State of Missouri, on the 22d day of July, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty-one.

R. WILSON,

J. W. McCLURE.

THOMAS T. GUNTT,

J. T. TINDALL,

JAMES R. McCORMAC.

On the 22d of July the State Convention reassembled. New questions were presented for its consideration, of which there were no precedents. The Governor, legally chosen, had gone from the capital after initiating against the National Government a military demonstration that had resulted in disaster to himself and his adherents. The Lieutenant-Governor, who, of right, should have succeeded the Governor, was a self-condemned exile from the State, and was believed to be engaged in schemes which incapacitated him for a proper discharge of the executive functions in a loyal commonwealth. Nor was the President pro tern, of the Senate present to take the place of the Lieutenant-Governor, nor the Speaker of the House to take the place of the President pro tem. Thus the Executive Department was without a head, and the important functions of Governor remained undischarged.

In the State Convention the first business was to declare the seat of General Price, as President of the Convention, vacant. A committee of seven was appointed, to whom were referred several resolutions relative to the state of affairs. On the 25th the committee presented their report. It alluded at length to the unparalleled condition of affairs, the reckless course of the recent Government, and flight of the Governor and other State officers from the capital. It declared the offices of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Secretary of State vacant, and provided that their vacancies should bo filled by the Convention, the officers so appointed to hold their positions till August, 1862, at which time it recommended a special election by the people. It proposed to repeal the ninth section of the sixth article of the Constitution, and that the Supreme Court of the State should consist of seven members; and that four members, in addition to the three comprising the court, should be appointed by the Governor chosen by the Convention, to hold Page 487 office till 1862, when the people would decide whether the change shall be permanent. It proposed to abolish the State Legislature, and ordain that in case before the 1st of August, 1862, the Governor chosen by the Convention should consider that the public exigencies demanded, he should order a special election for members of the State Legislature. It recommended the passage of an ordinance repealing the following bills, passed by the Legislature in secret session in the month of May previous: the military fund bill, the bill to suspend the distribution of the school fund, and the bill for cultivating friendly relations with the Indian tribes. It proposed to repeal the bill authorizing the appointment of one major of the Missouri militia, and revive the militia law of 1859. The report was adopted.

The act relative to the school fund directed the Superintendent of Schools to postpone its apportionment for the year, and to let it remain in the Treasury, subject to the order of the General Assembly. This fund consisted of twenty-five per cent, (about $200,000) of the general revenue; the dividends on the State's stock in the Bank of the State of Missouri, and other amounts, the proceeds of fines and forfeitures, the whole amounting to about $250,000 per annum. This sum had for years been apportioned to the common schools of the State, and had been the chief support of those schools, rendering efficient service in the cause of education. The report of this committee was adopted. At the same time a resolution was passed that a committee of seven be appointed by the President of the Convention to prepare :in address to the people of the State.

The report of the State Treasurer, in accordance with the instructions of the Convention, was made. The amount of money in the Treasury on the 24th of July was a little over $57,000. The disbursements since the adjournment of the last session of the Legislature, had been over $600,000.

A resolution was offered that there was no excuse, either in the present or future condition of the State, for default of payment of the interest on the State debt, and that it was preeminently her duty to pay it. After a lively discussion, several substitutes were offered, when the matter was referred.

On the 30th of July the Convention declared vacant the offices of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Secretary of State by a vote of 56 to 25. The seats of the members of the General Assembly were also declared vacant by a vote of 52 to 28. On the next day the following officers were elected: Hamilton R. Gamble, Provisional Governor; Willard P. Hall, Lieutenant-Governor; Mordecai Oliver, Secretary of State. These officers were at once inaugurated, amid general rejoicing.

The first Monday in November was fixed as the day for the election by the people of State officers.

After the transaction of some unimportant business, and the presentation of an address to the people of the State by the Convention, it adjourned until the third Monday in December, unless sooner called together by the new Government, if the public safety demanded it.

The address to the people of the State by the Convention, which was adopted on the 31st of July, states the action of the Convention and the necessity that existed for it, and closes with a vindication of its lawful power to perform what it had done. The necessity for its action arose out of the condition of affairs, which is thus described:

We have assembled in Jefferson under circumstances widely different from those that existed when the Convention adjourned its session at St. Louis.

We find high officers of the State Government engaged in actual hostilities with the forces of the United States, and blood has been spilt upon the soil of Missouri. Many of our citizens have yielded obedience to an ill-judged call of the Governor, and have assembled in arms for the purpose of repelling the invasion of the State by armed bands of lawless invaders, as the troops of the United States are designated by the Governor in bis proclamation of the 17th day of June last.

We find that troops from the State of Arkansas have come into Missouri for the purpose of sustaining the action of our Governor in his contest with the United States, and this at the request of our Executive.

We find no person present, or likely soon to be present, at the seat of Government, to exercise the ordinary functions of the Executive Department, or to maintain the internal peace of the State.

We find that throughout the State there is imminent danger of civil war in its worst form, in which neighbor shall seek the life of neighbor, and bonds of society will be dissolved, and universal anarchy shall reign. If it be possible to find a remedy for existing evils, and to avert the threatened horrors of anarchy, it is manifestly the duty of your delegates, assembled in Convention, to provide such a remedy; and, in order to determine upon the remedy, it is necessary to trace very briefly the origin and progress of the evils that now afflict the State.

It is not necessary that any lengthy reference should be made to the action of those States which have seceded from the Union. We cannot remedy or recall that secession. They have acted for themselves, and must abide the consequences of their own action. So far as you have expressed your wishes, you have declared your determination not to leave the Union, and your wishes have been expressed by this Convention.

Any action of any officer of the State in conflict with your will, thus expressed, is an action in plain opposition to the principle of our Government, which recognizes the people as the source of political power, and their will as the rule of conduct for all their officers. It would have been but a reasonable compliance with your will, that after you had, through this Convention, expressed your determination to remain in the Union, your Executive and Legislative officers should not only have refrained from any opposition to your will, but should have exerted all their powers to carry your will into effect. We have been enabled to ascertain by some correspondence of different public officers, accidentally made public, that several of these officers not only entertained and expressed opinions and wishes against the continuance of Missouri in the Union, but actually engaged in schemes to withdraw her from the Union, contrary to your known wishes.

After the adjournment of your Convention, which had expressed your purpose to remain in the Union, Governor Claiborne F. Jackson, in a letter addressed Page 488 to David Walker, President of the Arkansas Convention, dated April 19,1881, says: "From the beginning, my own conviction has been that the interest, duty, and honor of every slaveholding State demand their separation from the non-slaveholding States." Again, he says: "I have been, from the beginning, in favor of decided and prompt action on the part of the Southern States, but the majority of the people of Missouri, up to the present time, have differed with me." Here we have the declaration of his opinion and wishes, and the open confession that a majority of the people did not agree with him.

But he proceeds: "What their future action (meaning the future action of the people).may be, no man with certainty can predict or foretell; but my impression is, judging from the indications hourly occurring, that Missouri will be ready for secession in less than thirty days, and will secede if Arkansas will only get out of the way and give her a free passage."

It will presently be seen, by an extract from another letter, what the Governor means by being ready for secession; but it is very remarkable that he should undertake not only to say that she would be ready to secede in thirty days, but further, that she will secede, when in fact your Convention, at that time, stood adjourned to the 3d Monday of December next. His declaration that the State would secede is made, doubtless, upon some plan of his own, independent of the Convention.

Nine days after this letter to the President of the Arkansas Convention, he wrote another, addressed to J. W. Tucker, Esq., the editor of a secession newspaper in St. Louis. This letter is dated April 28, 1861. The writer says: "I do not think Missouri should secede to-day or to-morrow, but I do not think it good policy that I should so openly declare. I want a little time to arm the State, and I am assuming every responsibility to do it with all possible despatch."

Again he says: "We should keep our own counsels. Everybody in the State is in favor of arming the State; then let it be done. All are opposed to furnishing Mr. Lincoln with soldiers. Time will settle the balance. Nothing should be said about the time or the manner in which Missouri should go out. That she ought to go, and will go, at the proper time, I have no doubt. She ought to have gone last winter, when she could have seized the public arms and public property and defended herself.

Here we have the fixed mind and purpose of the Governor, that Missouri shall leave the Union. He wants time—a little time to arm the State. He thinks secrecy should be preserved by the parties with whom he acts, in keeping their counsels. He suggests that nothing should be said about the time or the manner in which Missouri should go out; manifestly implying that the time and manner of going out, which he and those with whom he acted, proposed to adopt, were some other time and manner than such as were to be fixed by the people through their Convention. It was no doubt to be a time and manner to be fixed by the Governor and the General Assembly, or by the Governor and a military body to be provided with arms during the little time needed by the Governor for that purpose.

There have been no specific disclosures made to the public of the details of this plan, but the Governor expresses his strong conviction that at the proper time the State will go out.

This correspondence of the Governor occurred at a time when there was no interference by soldiers of the United States with any of the citizens, or with the peace of the State. The event which produced exasperation through the State, the capture of Camp Jackson, did not take place until the 10th of May. Yet, the evidence is conclusive, that there was at the time of this correspondence a secret plan for taking Missouri nut of the Union without any assent of the people through their Convention. An address to the people of Missouri was issued by Thomas C. Reynolds, the Lieutenant-Governor, in which he declares that in Arkansas, Tennessee, and Virginia, his efforts have been directed unceasingly, to the best of his limited ability, to the promotion of our interests, indissolubly connected with the vindication of our speedy union with the Confederate States. Here is the second executive officer of Missouri avowedly engaged in travelling through States, which he must regard, while Missouri remains in the Union, as foreign States, and those States endeavoring, as he says, to promote the interests of our State. The mode of promoting our interests is disclosed in another passage of the address, in which he gives the people assurance that the people of the Confederate States, though engaged in a war with a powerful foe, would not hesitate still further to tax their energies and resources at the proper time, and on a proper occasion in aid of Missouri.

The mode of promoting our interests, then, was by obtaining military aid, and this while Missouri continued in the Union. The result of the joint action of the first and second executive officers of the State, has been that a body of military forces of Arkansas has actually invaded Missouri, to carry out the schemes of your own officer, who ought to have conformed to your will, as you had made it known at elections, and had expressed it by your delegates in Convention.

Still further to execute the purpose of severing the connection of Missouri with the United States, the General Assembly was called, and when assembled, sat in secret session, and enacted laws which had for their object the placing in the bands of the Governor large sums of money, to be expended in his discretion for military purposes, and a law for the organization of a military force, which was to be sustained by extraordinary taxation, and to be absolutely subject to the orders of the Governor, to act against all opposers, including the United States. By these acts, schools are closed, and the demands of humanity for the support of lunatics are denied, and the money raised for the purposes of education and benevolence may swell the fund to be expended in war.

Without referring more particularly to the provisions of these several acts, which are most extraordinary and extremely dangerous as precedents, it is sufficient to say that they display the same purpose to engage in a conflict with the General Government, and to break the connection of Missouri with the United States, which had before been manifested by Governor Jackson. The conduct of these officers of the Legislative and Executive Departments has produced evils and dangers of vast magnitude, and your delegates in Convention have addressed themselves to the important and delicate duty of attempting to free the State from these evils.

On the same day, Lieut.-Governor Reynolds issued a proclamation at New Madrid, addressed to the people of Missouri. He said : " I return to the State to accompany in my official capacity, one of the armies which the warrior statesman whose genuis now presides over the affairs of our half of the Union, has prepared to advance against the common foe." His view of the posture of affairs, and the measures which should he adopted, is thus stated:

To provide for this very condition of things, our General Assembly, in May last, passed an act, by which, in view of the rebellion in St. Louis and the invasion of our State, the Governor was "authorized to take such measures us in his judgment he may deem necessary or proper to repel such invasion or put down such rebellion."

As that rebellion and invasion have been sanctioned by the Government and people of the North, one of the most proper measures to protect our interests is a dissolution of all connection with them. In the present condition of Missouri, the Executive is the only constitutional authority left in the free exercise of legitimate power within her limits. Her motto, "Salus populi suprema lex esto" should be his guide; to him " let the people's welfare be the highest law." Under existing circumstances it is bis clear duty to accept the actual situation of affairs, and simplify the real issues, by making, under the statute above mentioned, and subject to the future control of the General Assembly and the people, a provisional declaration, in the name and on behalf of the people of Missouri, that her union with the Northern States has been dissolved by their acts of war upon her, and that she is, and of right ought to be, a sovereign, free, and independent State.

The conviction that the decision of this question can be safely left to the patriotism of Governor Jackson, and would more properly emanate from the regular executive of the state, is the only ground for my not exercising the powers of Governor temporarily in me invested, and at once issuing a formal declaration to that effect. But in order that my position, both as a citizen and officer of Missouri's Government, may be distinctly understood, I deem it proper to declare that, disregarding forms and looking to realities, I view any ordinance for her separation from the North and union with the Confederate States, as a mere outward ceremony to give notice to others of an act already consummated in the hearts of her people; and that, consequently, all persons cooperating with the expedition I accompany will expect that, in the country under its influence, no authority of the United States, of America will be permitted, and that of Missouri, as a sovereign and independent State, will be exercised with a view to her speedy regular union with her Southern listers.

He further states that the forces of the Confederate States, under the' command of General Pillow, had entered Missouri on the invitation of Governor Jackson, "to aid in expelling the enemy from the State," and thus adds:

By virtue of the powers vested in the Governor by the act before mentioned, approved May, 1861, entitled " An act to authorize the Governor of the State of Missouri to suppress rebellion and repel invasion," I do hereby, as acting Governor of Missouri, in the temporary absence of Governor Jackson, authorize, empower, and request General Pillow to make and enforce such civil police regulations as he may deem necessary for the security of his forces, the preservation of order, and discipline in his camp, and the protection of the lives ana property of the citizens. By virtue of the same act I also extend like authority to Brigadier-General Thompson, from whose military experience and spirit brilliant services are confidently expected, in his command of the Missouri State Guard in this district.

               THOMAS C. REYNOLDS,

                  Lieutenant-Governor of Missouri.

On the next day, August 1st, Brigadier-General Thompson followed with his proclamation to the people of Missouri, of which the following is an extract: Come now, strike while the iron is hot! Our enemies lire whipped in Virginia. They have been whipped in Missouri. General Hardee advances in the centre, General Pillow on the right, and General McCulloch on the left, with 20,000 brave Southern hearts to our aid. So leave your ploughs in the furrow, and your oxen in the yoke, and rush like a tornado upon our invaders and foes, to sweep them from the face of the earth, or force them from the soil of our State! Brave sons of the Ninth District, come and join us! We have plenty of ammunition, and the cattle on ten thousand hills are ours. We have forty thousand Belgian muskets coming; but bring your guns and muskets with you, if you have them; if not, come without them. We will strike your foes like a Southern thunderbolt, and soon our camp fires will illuminate the Merrimac and Missouri. Come, turn out!

                           JEFF. THOMPSON,

                      Brigadier-General Commanding.

After the State Convention had closed its labors, and previous to the separation of its members, Governor Gamble and Lieut.-Governor Hall were inaugurated, and made addresses. This was on the first day of August. On the 3d, Governor Gamble issued a proclamation to the people, in which, after stating that a most unfortunate and unnatural condition of feeling among citizens, amounting to actual hostility, and leading often to scenes of violence and bloodshed, existed in many parts of the State; also, that it was believed many citizens in arms had responded to the call of the Governor in June from a sense of obligation to obey the State authority, &c, he thus expresses the special object of his proclamation:

Now, therefore, I, Hamilton R. Gamble, Governor of the State of Missouri, in view of the foregoing facts, do hereby strictly charge and enjoin upon all sheriffs and other magistrates who are conservators of the peace, to use all the powers conferred upon them by law in arresting and bringing to punishment all persons who disturb the public peace, by using violence against any of their fellow-citizens, and especially are you charged to bring to justice all who combine to practise violence against other persons on account of their political opinions; and if force should be employed to resist you in the discharge of your duties to an extent that you cannot overcome by the means provided by law, you are charged to make known that fact to this Department, that proper measures may be taken in such case.

It is enjoined upon all citizens that they perform the duty of giving information of deposits of munitions of war belonging to the State, that they may come to the possession of the State without being captured by the troops of the United States.

It is further enjoined upon all citizens of suitable age to. enroll themselves in military organizations, that they may take part in the defence of the State.

All citizens who are embodied under the act of the last session of the General Assembly, popularly called the "Military Law," are notified that the law has been abrogated, the troops disbanded, the commissions issued under it, as well as the commission under the act of the same session for the appointment of a Major-General, have been annulled, and all soldiers and officers arc enjoined to cease action in a military capacity.

The officers and their troops belonging to the Confederate States, who have invaded Missouri, are notified that it is against the will of the people of Missouri that they should continue upon the soil of this State, and that their continuance in Missouri will be considered an act of war, designed to bring upon our State the horrors of war, which Missouri desires to avoid. They are therefore notified to depart at once from the State.

Given under my hand as Governor, and under the great seal of the State of Missouri, at Jefferson City, this 3d day of August, 1861.

HAMILTON R. GAMBLE.

Since the Governor's proclamation was written the following despatch has been received:

M. OLIVER, Secretary of State.

                     Washington, August 3, 1861.

To His Excellency, H. K. Gamble, Governor of Missouri:

In reply to your message addressed to the President, I am directed, to say that if, by a proclamation, you promise security to citizens in arms who voluntarily return to their allegiance and become peaceable and loyal, this Government will cause the promise to bo respected. I have the honor to be, &c,

SIMON CAMERON, Secretary of War.

Two days after, on the 5th, Governor Jackson, Page 490 who had hastily returned from Richmond, issued a provisional declaration of the independence of the State, and her separation from the Union. The reasons given to justify a separation of the State from the Federal Union, which had emphatically bought her territory and nurtured her institutions, were as follows:

In repeated instances, the Government and people of the States now remaining in that Union have grossly violated, in their conduct towards the people and State of Missouri, both the Constitution of the United States and that of Missouri, as well as the general, great, and essential principles of liberty and free government. Their President, Abraham Lincoln, in avowed defiance of law and the Constitution of the United States, and under the tyrant's plea of necessity, has assumed to regulate commerce with foreign nations and among the several States, stopping by violence our trade with our Southern neighbors, and depriving our citizens of the right secured to them by a special, solemn compact with the United States, to the free navigation of the Mississippi River. He has usurped powers granted exclusively to Congress, in declaring war against the Confederate States; to carry on this unholy attempt to reduce a free people into slavish subjection to him, ho has, in violation of the Constitution, raised and supported armies, and provided and maintained a navy.

Regardless of the right reserved to the States respectively, of training the militia and appointing its officers, he has enlisted and armed, contrary to law, under the name of Home Guards, whole regiments of men, foreigners and others, in our State, to defy the constitutional authorities and plunder and murder our citizens. By armed force and actual bloodshed he has even attempted to deprive the people of their right to keep and bear arms, in conformity to the State laws, and to form a well-regulated militia necessary to the security of a free State. With bis sanction, his soldiers have been quartered in houses without the consent of the owners thereof, and without any authority of law. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, has been habitually and grossly violated by his officers, acting under his orders. Ho has utterly ignored the binding force of our constitutional State laws, and carried his insolence to such an extent as to introduce, from other States, free negroes into our midst and place them in positions of authority over our white citizens.

He has encouraged the stealing of our slave property. In these and other proceedings the Government and people of the Northern States have unmistakably shown their intention to overturn the social institutions of Missouri, and reduce her white citizens to an equality with the blacks. In the execution of his despotic wishes, his agents, without even rebuke from him, have exhibited a brutality scarcely credible of a nation pretending to civilization. Even women and children of tender age have fallen victims to the unbridled license of his unfeeling soldiery. lie has avowedly undertaken to make the civil power subordinate to the military; and with the despicable and cowardly design of thus protecting himself and his accomplices, by binding the consciences of the unhappy victims of his tyranny, he has exacted from peaceful citizens, guilty of no "crime, an oath to support his detestable Government. To crush out even peaceful and lawful opposition to it, he has forcibly and unconstitutionally suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus, and abridged the freedom of speech and of the press by subjecting innocent citizens to punishment for mere opinion's sake, and by preventing the publication of newspapers independent enough to expose his treason to liberty.

The Governor further states that the nets of President Lincoln had been endorsed by the Congress and people of the Northern States, and the war thus commenced by him had been made the act of the Government and nation over which he ruled, &c. He thus concludes:

Now, therefore, by virtue of the authority in me vested by said act, I, Claiborne F. Jackson, Governor of the State of Missouri, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of my intentions, and firmly believing that I am herein carrying into effect the will of the people of Missouri, do here by, in their name, by their authority, and on their behalf, and subject at all times to their free and unbiased control, make and publish this provisional declaration, that by the acts of the people and Government of the United States of America, the political connection heretofore existing between said States and the people and government of Missouri is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and that the State of Missouri, as a sovereign, free, and independent republic, has full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent. States may of right do.

Published and declared at New Madrid, Missouri, this fifth day of August, in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty-one.

                 CLAIBORNE F. JACKSON,

                                Governor of Missouri.

On the 26th of July General Fremont arrived at St. Louis to take command of the Western Department. Military preparations were immediately commenced with great vigor. Troops from the adjoining States poured into St. Louis and were encamped there, or were sent into the interior or to Cairo. At the same time Confederate forces were concentrating in Southwestern Missouri in large numbers. Early in August they advanced towards Springfield, where General Lyon was encamped.

St. Louis was the prize before them, and its ultimate possession would transfer the entire State to the Confederate Government. The force of General Lyon was the first obstacle to be removed.

The battle at Wilson's Creek had in its effects proved quite disastrous to Gens. McCulloch and Price. It not only served to check their progress, but discouraged many lukewarm sympathizers. Although a proclamation was issued by the former on the 12th, and by the latter on the 20th, boasting of a great victory, General Pillow remained quiet at New Madrid, and General Hardee at Greenville. Meanwhile, the accumulation and organization of Union troops at St. Louis and other points, added to the strength of General Fremont. Stringent regulations were adopted by General Pope on August 13th, under which the navigation of the Missouri River was kept open for traffic.

Near the close of August, however, the Confederates had acquired such strength as to become very bold. Recruiting for them had been successful in the western part of the State. In the border counties bodies of men were organizing to cooperate with McCulloch in his still contemplated advance. A lack of provision was the chief embarrassment to the Confederate force at this time. General Pillow was also at this time contemplating a movement, and also Thompson, who was near Benton in Scott

County, while the former was at New Madrid. Amid these exciting circumstances General Fremont issued the following proclamation, with its accompanying special military order:

HEAD-QUARTERS OF THE WESTERN DEPARTMENT,

St. Louis, August 31, 1861. 

Circumstances, in my judgment, of sufficient urgency, render it necessary that the Commanding General of this Department should assume the administrative powers of the State. Its disorganized condition, the helplessness of the civil authority, the total insecurity of life, and the devastation of property by bands of murderers and marauders, who infest nearly every county of the State, and avail themselves of the public misfortunes and the vicinity of a hostile force to gratify private and neighborhood vengeance, and who find an enemy wherever they find plunder, finally demand the severest measures to repress the daily increasing crimes and outrages which are driving off the inhabitants and mining the State.

In this condition the public safety and the success of our arms require unity of purpose, without let or hindrance, to the prompt administration of affairs.

In order, therefore, to suppress disorder, to maintain, as far as now practicable, the public peace, and to give security and protection to the persons and property of loyal citizens, I do hereby extend and declare established martial law throughout the State of Missouri.

The lines of the army of occupation in this State are for the present declared to extend from Leavenworth by way of the posts of Jefferson City, Rolla, and Ironton, to Cape Girardeau, on the Mississippi River.

All persons who shall be taken with arms in their hands within these lines, shall be tried by court-martial, and if found guilty, will be shot. The property, real and personal, of all persons, in the State of Missouri, who shall take up arms against the United States, or who shall be directly proven to have taken an active part with their enemies in the field, is declared to be confiscated to the public use, and their slaves, if any they have, are hereby declared free men.

All persons who shall be proven to have destroyed, after the publication of this order, railroad tracks, bridges, or telegraphs, shall suffer the extreme penalty of the law.

All persons engaged in treasonable correspondence, in giving or procuring aid to the enemies of the United States, in fomenting tumults, in disturbing the public tranquillity by creating and circulating false reports or incendiary documents, are in their own interests warned that they are exposing themselves to sudden and severe punishment.

All persons who have been led away from their allegiance are required to return to their homes forthwith; any such absence, without sufficient cause, will be held to be presumptive evidence against them.

The object of this declaration is to place in the hands of the military authorities the power to give instantaneous effect to existing laws, and to supply such deficiencies as the conditions of war demand. But it is not intended to suspend the ordinary tribunals of the country, where the law will be administered by the civil officers in the usual manner, and with their customary authority, while the same can be peaceably exercised.

The Commanding General will labor vigilantly for the public welfare, and in his efforts for their safety hopes to obtain not only the acquiescence, but the active support of the loyal people of the country.

J. C. FREMONT, Major-General Commanding.

Special military order.

Head-quarters, Western Department,

St. Louis, August 30,1861.

The Commanding General sincerely regrets that he finds it necessary to make any reproach to the patriotic army under his command. He had hoped that the rigid enforcement of discipline and the good example of the mass of the enlightened soldiery which he has the honor to lead, would have been sufficient to correct in good time the irregularities and license of the few who have reflected discredit upon our cause and ourselves. But the extension of martial law to ll the State of Missouri, rendered suddenly necessary by its unhappy condition, renders it equally imperative to call the army to good order and rigorous discipline. They are reminded that the power to inflict the extraordinary severities of the now governing law is rigidly confined to few, who are to bo held strictly accountable for its exercise. They are also reminded that the same necessity which requires the establishment of martial law, demands also the enforcement of the military law, which governs themselves with the same sudden severity. The Commanding General therefore strictly prohibits all vexatious proceedings calculated unnecessarily to harass the citizens, and also unauthorized searches, seizures, and destruction of property, except in cases of military necessity, and for which the officer authorizing or permitting it will be held strictly and personally responsible. All officers commanding districts, posts, or detachments, are enjoined to use the utmost prudence and circumspection in the discharge of their duties. Under the circumstances, a strict obedience to orders, close attention to duties, and an earnest effort to protect and to avoid harassing innocent persons, is requested and expected everywhere from officers and men. The Commanding General trusts that he will find few occasions to reproach the troops. He hopes and believes that lie will find many to admire and commend them.

J. C. FREMONT, Major-General Commanding.

This proclamation, so far as it related to the manumission of slaves, was subsequently modified by President Lincoln. (See Slaves.)

On the 12th of September another proclamation was issued by General Fremont, carrying into effect that provision of the former proclamation relating to slaves. It was as follows:

Head-quarters, Western Department,

St. Louis, September 12, 1861. 

The Major-General commanding the Western Department, having satisfactory evidence that Thomas L. Snead, of the city and county of St. Louis and State of Missouri, has been taking active part with the enemies of the United States, in the present insurrectionary movements against its Government; and the Military Commission, now in session at the arsenal in this city, having reported the fact to these head-quarters as the result of its deliberations, the Major-General commanding has executed and ordered to be published the following deeds of manumission:

Head-quarters, Western Department.

Whereas Thomas L. Snead, of the city and county of St. Louis, Slate of Missouri, has been taking active part with the enemies of the United States, in the present insurrectionary movement against the Government of the United States; now, therefore, I, John Charles Fremont, Major-General commanding the Western Department of the Army of the United States, by authority of law and the power vested in me as such commanding General, declare Frank Lewis, heretofore held to " service or labor" by said Thomas L. Snead, to be free, and forever discharged from the bonds of servitude, giving him full right and authority to have, use, and control his own labor or service, as to him may seem proper, without any accountability whatever to said Thomas L. Snead, or any one to claim by, through, or under him. And this deed of manumission shall be respected and treated by all persons and in all courts of justice, as the full and complete evidence of the freedom of said Frank Lewis.

In testimony whereof this act is done, at Head-quarters of the Western Department of the Army of the United States, in the city of St. Louis, State of Missouri, on the twelfth day of September, a. d. eighteen hundred and sixty-one, and is evidenced by the departmental seal, hereto affixed bv his order.

                                J. C. FREMONT,

                       Major-General Commanding.

Head-quarters, Western Department.

Done at the office of the Provost-Marshal, in the city of St. Louis, this twelfth day of September, a. d. one thousand eight hundred and eight-one, at nine o’clock in the evening of said day. Witness my hand and seal of office hereto affixed.

                    J. McKINSTRY,

                  Brigadier-General Provost-Marshal.

A similar deed was given at the same time to Hiram Reed, another slave belonging to Thos. L. Snead.

Under the operation of martial law, Provost-Marshal McKinstry, on the 31st of August, issued orders peremptorily forbidding any person to pass beyond the limits of the county without a special permit from his office, and railroad, steamboat, ferry, and other agents were prohibited from selling tickets to any one not holding a pass from the provost-marshal. The order was aimed specially to reach parties leaving the city for the purpose of communicating information to the enemy. (See Martial Law.)

The month of September was passed by the Federal commander chiefly in making preparations for future movements. His plan appears to have been to advance on the southwestern part of the State with such an overwhelming military force as would compel the Confederate commanders to evacuate Missouri and to retire to the adjoining States for defence. A large army from the northwest was therefore gathered at St. Louis, and at the same time a line of fortifications was commenced around it. The object of this work was not to protect the city in consequence of any danger, at the time, of capture by the enemy, but because, with such a line of redoubts, redans, and lunettes, garrisoned by a few hundred or a thousand troops, and mounted with heavy artillery, the larger part of the army could be spared for the southwest expedition. Thus General Fremont could assume an aggressive position.

The capture of Lexington and Colonel Mulligan's troops by General Price, on the 21st of September, was the most important affair to the Confederates which occurred in the State. (See Lexington.) It doubtless caused General Fremont, on September 27th, to hasten from St. Louis to Jefferson City. On the 3d of October the Confederates abandoned Lexington, and as the Union force concentrated at Jefferson City, General Price retired to Springfield and still further south. His force was variously estimated at this time at twenty thousand men and upwards. The original purpose of General Price had been to move from Lexington northward and destroy the railroad, and then attack the Federal forces in Northwestern Missouri, but the approach of Fremont prevented its accomplishment. No one of the Confederate generals sustained his position so well as General Price, with the slender resources at his command. It was necessarily, therefore, a part of his system of operations to avoid a doubtful conflict. Retiring produced no discouragement upon his men. At the same time, by retiring, he came nearer to Arkansas, from whence he could expect supplies and reinforcements, whilst the Federal force, on advancing, would be removed further and further from its chief source of supplies. The advance of General Fremont, in the southwest, was made in five divisions, under Gens. Hunter, Pope, Siegel, Asboth, and McKinstry. Each division was subdivided, and was composed of cavalry, artillery, and infantry, ambulances, &c, and whatever was necessary to enable it to act independently. General Fremont accompanied the advance with Gens. Siegel and Asboth.

On the 14th of October he arrived at Warsaw on the Osage River, sixty-five miles southwest of Jefferson City, where he prepared to cross by means of bridges. On the opposite bank was a considerable Confederate cavalry force at the time of his arrival, which was dispersed by canister-shot. The bridge was finished about the 21st, and on the 26th the troops reached Bolivar. General Fremont left on Sunday with General Siegel by forced marches, for Springfield. General McKinstry still continued at Warsaw with the reserve, and General Pope was on the other side of the Osage. General Hunter was with the right wing advancing, and General Sturgis with the left. On the 27th General Fremont arrived at Springfield, where the national flag was displayed by the people with every demonstration of joy. On the 25th the brilliant charge was made by Major Zagonyi with a hundred and fifty of General Fremont's Body Guard upon a force of the enemy about half a mile west of the town, by which the enemy were dispersed. (See Springfield.)

The retreat of General Price had been steadily in advance of the Union troops. On the 13th. he was at Clintonville. Cedar County, twenty-five miles south of Papinsville, on the Carthage road. His entire army had passed the Osage. On the 17th he was expected by the Union general to make a stand, and again on the 19th. On the 24th he was at Nesho, in Newton County, and had united with General McCulloch. The Legislature of the State had convened here at this time. Only a small number of members were present. In Northwestern Missouri, Colonel Morgan, on the 19th, with 220 of the Eighteenth Missouri had a skirmish with a larger Confederate force at Big Harrison Creek in Carrol County. Fourteen of the enemy were reported to have been killed, and eight were taken prisoners. The Federal loss was two killed and fourteen wounded. On the 21st the Confederate garrison at Fredericktown was surprised by a portion of the First Missouri Regiment, and the town recaptured.

In Southwestern Missouri, a skirmish took place near Lebanon on the 13th of October between two companies of mounted men under Major Wright and a small body of secession Page 493 cavalry, in which the latter were surprised and routed with a small loss. On the 17th a skirmish took place near Pilot Knob, and oil the 22d another at Fredericktown. (See Fredericktown.) Several other skirmishes of small importance, otherwise than as showing the activity of both Federal and secession troops, occurred during the month of October.

On the 1st of November an agreement was entered into between Gens. Fremont and Price that a joint proclamation should be signed by both, and issued, which should provide for certain objects therein specified, as follows:

To all peaceably disposed Citizens of the State of Missouri, greeting: Whereas, a solemn agreement has been entered into by and between Major-Generals Fremont and Price, respectively commanding antagonistic forces in the State of Missouri, to the effect that in future, arrests or forcible interference by armed or unarmed parties of citizens within the limits of said State, for the mere entertainment or expression of political opinions shall hereafter cease; that families, now broken up for such causes, may be reunited, and that the war now progressing shall be exclusively confined to armies in the held. Therefore be it known to all whom it may concern:

1. No arrests whatever on account of political opinions, or for the merely private expression of the same shall hereafter be made within the limits of the State of Missouri; and all persons who may have been arrested and are held to answer on such charges only, shall be forthwith released. But it is expressly declared, that nothing in this proclamation shall be construed to bar, or interfere with any of the usual and regular proceedings of the established courts under statutes and orders made and provided for such offences.

2. All peaceably disposed citizens who may have been driven from their homes because of their political opinions, or who may have left them for fear of force or violence, are hereby advised and permitted to return, upon the faith of our positive assurances that, while so returning, they shall receive protection from both armies in the field whenever it can be given.

3. All bodies of armed men acting without the authority or recognition of the Major-Generals before named, and not legitimately connected with the armies in the field, are hereby ordered at once to disband.

4. Any violation of either of the foregoing articles shall subject the offender to the penalty of military law, according to the nature of the offence. In testimony whereof, the aforesaid Major-General John C. Fremont, at Springfield, Mo., on the 1st day of November, a. d. 1861, and Major-General Sterling Price, at Cassville, on this 5th day of November, a. d. 1861, have hereunto set their hands, and hereby mutually pledge their earnest efforts to the enforcement of the above articles of agreement, according to their full tenor and effect, to the best of their ability.

JOHN C. FREMONT,

Major-General Commanding U. S. A.

STERLING PRICE, Major-General Commanding Missouri State Guards.

After the removal of General Fremont, the command devolved on General Hunter, who, on the 7th of November, addressed a letter to General Price, in which he recapitulated the agreement, and said: "As General commanding the forces of the United States in this Department, I can in no manner recognize the agreement aforesaid, or any of its provisions, whether implied or direct, and I can neither issue, nor allow to be issued, the joint proclamation' purporting to have been signed by yourself and Major-General Fremont, on the 1st day of November, a. d. 1861."

Some of the objections of General Hunter to this agreement, were that it would render the enforcement of martial law impossible, that it would practically annul the confiscation act of Congress, &c.

On the 2d day of November, General Fremont, at Springfield, received the order for his removal from the command of the Department of the West. He had arrived there only a few days previous at the head of an army, and was then in the act of marching on after a retiring enemy. Although not altogether unexpected, it occasioned much excitement in the army, and many officers were disposed to resign, declaring that they would serve under no other commander. General Fremont, however, issued a patriotic farewell address, urging the army to cordially support his successor, and expressing regret to leave on the eve of a battle they were sure to win. The following is his address:

Head-quarters, Western Department. 

SPRINGFIELD, November 2, 1861

Soldiers of the Mississippi Army: Agreeably to orders received this day, I take leave of you. Although our army has been of sudden growth, we have grown up together, and I have become familiar with the brave and generous spirits which you bring to the defence of your country, and which makes me anticipate for you a brilliant career. Continue as you have begun, and give to my successor the same cordial and enthusiastic support with which you have encouraged me. Emulate the splendid example which you have already before you, and let me remain as I am, proud of the noble army which I have thus far labored to bring together.

Soldiers, I regret to leave you. Most sincerely I thank von for the regard and confidence you have invariably shown me. I deeply regret that I shall not have the honor to lead you to the victory which you are just about to win j but I shall claim the right to share with you in the joy of every triumph, and trust always to he personally remembered by my companions in arms.

               JOHN C. FREMONT,

                                Major-General.

So much complaint, had been made relative to the management of the Western Department by General Fremont, that the Secretary of War proceeded to St. Louis for the purpose of investigation. An interview with General Fremont took place at Tipton, and when about to return from St. Louis to Washington, the Secretary issued the following order:

St. Louis, October 14, 1861

General: The Secretary of War directs me to communicate the following as his instructions for your government:

In view of the heavy sums due, especially in the Quartermaster's Department in this city, amounting to some $4,500,000, it is important that the money which may now be in the hands of the disbursing officers, or be received by them, be applied to the current expenses of your army in Missouri, and these debts to remain unpaid until they can be properly examined and sent to Washington for settlement; the disbursing officers of the army to disburse the funds, and not transfer them to irresponsible agents—in other words, those who do not hold commissions from the President, and are not under bonds. All contracts necessary to be made by the disbursing officers. The senior Quartermaster here has been verbally instructed by the Secretary as above.

It is deemed unnecessary to erect field-works around this city, and you will direct their discontinuance; also those, it' any, in course of construction at Jefferson City. In this connection, it is seen that a number of commissions have been given by you. No payments will be made to such officers, except to those whose appointments have been approved by the President. This, of course, does not apply to the officers with volunteer troops. Colonel Andrews has been verbally so instructed by the Secretary; also, not to make transfers of funds, except for the purpose of paying the troops.

The erection of Barracks near your quarters in this city to be at once discontinued.

The Secretary has been informed that the troops of General Lane's command are committing depredations on our friends in Western Missouri. Your attention is directed to this, in the expectation that you will apply the corrective.

Major Allen desires the services of Captain Turnley for a short time, and the Secretary hopes you may find it proper to accede thereto.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

   L. THOMAS, Adjutant-General.

       Major-General J. C. Fremont,

Commanding Department of the West, Tipton.

General Fremont immediately surrendered It is command to General Hunter, and returned to St. Louis, where he arrived on the 8th of November, and found a largo assemblage gathered to greet him. He immediately proceeded to his head-quarters, and soon after a procession bearing torches, preceded by music, and surrounded by a vast concourse of citizens, arrived there. A committee previously appointed entered and delivered the following address and resolutions:

Major-General John C. Fremont:

Sir: We are instructed by the citizens of St. Louis to welcome you to our city, and perform the duty imposed upon us, with mingled feelings of sorrow and pleasure. While we deeply regret the occasion of your presence among us, we rejoice in the unmistakable manifestation of the unflagging sympathy of the people. They have witnessed with astonishment and indignation the event, unprecedented in history, of your removal from the command, while in active pursuit of the enemy, and on the very eve of reaping the fruits of your incessant and successful labors. The true causes which led to your recall are well understood and appreciated. You have risen too fast in popular favor. The policy announced in your proclamation, although hailed us a political and military necessity, furnished your ambitious rivals and enemies with a welcome weapon for your intended destruction. The harbingers of truth will ever be crucified by the Pharisees.

We cannot be deceived by shallow and flimsy pretexts, by unfounded and slanderous reports.

We entertain no doubt of your ability to speedily confound and silence your traducers. The day of reckoning is not far distant, and the people will take care that the schemes of your opponents shall in the end be signally defeated.

As loyal citizens, we follow your example in yielding due obedience to the edicts of the powers that be.

With you we join in the hope that the enthusiasm with which you have imbued the army created by, and devoted to you, may lead them to victory, even in the absence of their legitimate leader. Should we meet with reverses, no fault will be charged upon you; should victory perch on our banners, the wreath of triumph will be placed on your brow by the verdict of the country.

Permit us to assure you that when the smoke of battle shall have passed away, and peace shall be restored to us, an appeal to the people from the action of its servants will be triumphantly sustained. In pursuance of our instructions, we take pleasure in presenting to you a copy of resolutions unanimously adopted by the citizens bf St. Louis, in mass meeting assembled.

Resolutions.—We, the citizens of St. Louis, of German extraction, in moss meeting assembled to give expression of our sentiments towards Major-General John C. Fremont, have solemnly and unanimously resolved:

1. That we recognize in John C. Fremont the embodiment of our patriotic feeling and political faith.

2. That, notwithstanding many paralyzing circumstances, he has performed his arduous and responsible task with all possible energy and honesty.

3. That we admire his impartiality and sagacity in selecting his military counsellors, without national prejudices, from among such men as he considered true and worthy of his confidence.

4. That we will stand by him as long as he shall prove true to himself.

5. That while we submit to the action of the Government, as behooves loyal citizens, we regret to be deprived at the present moment of his services in conquering the rebel enemy, and believe we recognize in this event a wise Providence, which may have reserved him for a still wider sphere of action in future times.

General Fremont with much emotion replied:

Gentlemen: I wish to say to von that your kind and affectionate—I may say affectionate—reception of me moves my heart. It cheers me and strengthens my confidence—my confidence, already somewhat wavering—in our republican institutions. I felt all day as we passed through the country—I feel emphatically, to-night—that the faithful servant of the people, honestly laboring in the public cause, will not be allowed to suffer undeserved, and 1 feel stronger.

Since I left you a few weeks ago, many accusations have been rained on my defenceless head—defenceless because my face was turned to the public enemy. What I see and hear to-night, the address you have just read to me, and the approving multitude below, show me that I was not wrong in leaving my defence with you. In regard to the baser charges made against me, I will say nothing now. You do not require it; to speak of them would jar upon the generous feelings with which you come here to-night. Others have been already answered by my brave soldiers at Springfield: and others, of gross incompetency and a weak and aimless administration, to all of these I will adopt your address and the shouts of the grand multitude below ns my answer. And, for all this, gentlemen, to you and to them, I renew my thanks with all my heart, which, to-night, is roused to full sensibility by the hearty and unqualified expression of your confidence and approbation, so valuable and grateful to me in my actual position.

I shall soon have occasion, for I shall make occasion, to answer all these charges more definitely. Until then, I will rely upon this evening for my defence.

The crowd outside becoming impatient, he presented himself, but the high wind prevailing rendered it impossible for him to address them. Subsequently, a committee appointed by the U. S. House of Representatives to investigate the management of affairs at St. Louis, as well as other matters, made a report containing statements which seriously detract from the fitness of the Commanding General for the position which he held, but do not affect his personal honor.

On the 11th of October the State Convention re-assembled at St. Louis. The Governor, in his Message to that body, asked for a simple and more efficient military law, and recommended measures to provide means to carry on Page 495 the State Government, and to meet the present emergencies.

An ordinance was adopted to postpone the State election until the first Monday in November, 1862, and providing for the continuance of the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Secretary of State in office until their successors should be duly appointed. Another ordinance was passed providing for the abolition of certain offices, reducing salaries, &c, which contained a section providing that all persons taking the oath prescribed by the ordinance, within thirty days after its passage, should be exempt from arrest or punishment for taking up arms against the Provisional Government of the State, or giving aid and comfort to its enemies in this civil war; and the Governor was directed to request the President, in the name of the people of Missouri, by proclamation, to exempt all persons taking the said oath from all penalties incurred by taking up arms against the United States, or giving aid and comfort to the enemy in the present civil war.

The objects before the Convention having been accomplished by providing sufficient funds, and authorizing the State officers to continue until their successors were appointed, the Convention adjourned to the first Monday in November, 1862.

The Federal force in Missouri at this time was estimated at 27,000 men, of whom 5,000 were under the command of General Hunter, 4,000 under General Siegel, 4,500 under General Asboth, 5,500 under General McKinstry, 4,000 under General Pope, under General Lane 2,500, and under General Sturgis 1,000.

On the 6th of November the army was in good spirits at Springfield. General Fremont had left, and no battle was then soon expected. The chief command was held by General Hunter, the oldest officer in the field, who expected soon to be superseded by General Halleck. General Price fell back near the State line, and remained until the Federal army began to recede, about the 15th. They were accompanied by long trains of emigrant wagons containing Union refugees. As they retired, General Price followed up after them. The advance of General Price was made in three divisions, and with the intention of moving upon Kansas, and making that the field of future operations. The opinion in the Confederate States was that General Price never had any difficulty to procure men. His only obstacle had been the want of arms.

On the 30th of November his right wing, 6,000 strong, was at Stockton. The left wing held position near Nevada under General Rains, 4,000 strong. The centre, under General Price, 5,000 strong, was near Monticello.

In Boone County, on the 3d, General Prentiss broke up a secession camp, with some loss on both sides.

On the 18th of November General H. W. Halleck arrived at St. Louis, and took command of the Western Department. Gens. Sturgis and Wyman arrived on the same day. The divisions of General Hunter and Pope had reached different points on the Pacific Railroad, there to await the orders of General Halleck. About the 20th the divisions of Gens. Siegel and Asboth arrived at St. Louis.

The plan of General Price now, was to approach the borders of Kansas, and supply his forces with arms, destroy the track of the Northern Railroad, and thus cut off the communication with St. Louis. This, however, was defeated by the strategical combinations of General Halleck, and on the 25th of December almost a clean sweep had been made of the country between the Missouri and Osage rivers, and General Price was cut off from all supplies and recruits from Northern Missouri, and in full retreat for Arkansas.

In the last two weeks of December, the Federal army captured 2,500 prisoners, including seventy commissioned officers, 1,200 horses and mules, 1,100 stand of arms, two tons of powder, 100 wagons, and an immense amount of commissary stores and camp equipage. Several skirmishes took place during these operations. On the 22d of November the town of Warsaw was burned by incendiaries, to prevent its further occupation by Union troops. At Salem a skirmish took place on the 3d of December, between a small Federal force and a body of State Guards. Several were killed and wounded on both sides. At Shawnee Mound, on the 18th of December, General Pope captured 150 Confederate prisoners, with wagons, tents, and baggage. At Milford, on the 18th, a body of the enemy were surrounded, and surrendered. Thirteen hundred prisoners were taken, including three colonels and seventeen captains, and one thousand stand of arms, one thousand horses, sixty-five wagons, and n large quantity of tents, baggage, and supplies.

A list of all the battles and skirmishes is given on the following page.

This close of military operations in the State at the approach of winter left General Halleck free to use a large part of his army in Western Kentucky. The struggle in the State during the year was vigorous and active, especially on the part of General Price, under the contracted resources at his command.

It was stated at Richmond, Virginia, that after the capture of Mulligan, General Price intended to attack General Fremont before he could concentrate his army, but was prevented by a lack of ammunition from executing his design. When Lexington surrendered he had but 2,000 percussion caps in his whole command. He sent to General Hardee and to General McCulloch for a supply, but for some reason it was not sent. It was thought at that time in Richmond that if General Price had been zealously and efficiently seconded, he would soon have driven the Federal force from Missouri, and thus have secured to the Confederacy one of the most important Western States. A consequence of such an acquisition would involve the destinies of Kansas, the Indian Nation, Arizona, and New Mexico. […] The Page 496 possession of the vast countries which lie to the west and southwest was the occasion of the contest made by the Confederate States in Missouri.

So popular had General Price become in the Western States of the Confederacy, that when there was a report in Memphis, Tennessee, on the 9th of December, that he had been superseded in his command in the Department of Missouri and Arkansas by General Heath, it occasioned so much discussion as to lead to a communication with Richmond, which caused the following telegraphic despatch: 

Richmond, December 9, 1861.

To Major W. A. Broadwell:

The rumor that General Price will be superseded is false, if not malignant. I have not received a tender of Missouri troops, and consequently have no power to make appointments for them, or control their organization.

JEFF. DAVIS.

On the 21st of November, after General Halleck had taken command, he issued, at St. Louis, an order, setting forth that, as important information respecting the numbers and condition of his forces had been conveyed to the enemy by fugitive slaves, no such persons should thereafter be permitted to enter the lines of any camp, nor of any forces on the march. On the 9th of December he issued an order directing the Mayor of St. Louis to require all municipal officers immediately to take the oath of allegiance prescribed by the State Convention, and also directing the provost-marshal to arrest all State officers who had failed to subscribe the oath within the time fixed, and subsequently attempted to exercise authority.

On the night of December 20, some men who had returned from General Price's army destroyed about 100 miles of the Missouri Railroad, or rendered it useless. Commencing eight miles south of Hudson, they burned the bridge, wood piles, water tanks, ties, and tore np the rails for miles, bent them, and destroyed the telegraph. It was a preconcerted and simultaneous movement of citizens along the road.

On the 23d, General Halleck issued an order fixing the penalty of death on all persons engaged in destroying railroads and telegraphs, and requiring the towns and counties where it is done to repair the damages and pay expenses.

On the 25th he issued the following order, declaring qualified martial law:

In virtue of authority conferred on me by the President of the United States, martial law is hereby declared, and will be enforced in and about all the railroads in this State.

It is not intended by this declaration to interfere with the jurisdiction in any court which is loyal to the Government of the United States, and which will aid the military authorities in enforcing order and punishing crimes.

About the same time an order was issued levying a tax of §10,000 on certain citizens of St. Louis who were sympathizing with the Southern Confederacy. This money was designed to support and assist Union refugees in the city. (See St. Louis.)

On the 28th of December the negroes in confinement at St. Louis as runaways were discharged by order of the provost-marshal. The effect of the order was only to deliver them from confinement and subsequently from sale, on the presumption that they were slaves. General Halleck stated that this order would not debar any one from enforcing his legal rights to the services of the negroes. Such rights, if any existed, would bo enforced through the loyal civil tribunals of the State, whose mandates would always be duly respected by the military authorities of the Department. Military officers cannot decide upon the rights of property Page 497 or claims to service, except so far as may be authorized by the laws of war or acts of Congress. When not so authorized, they would avoid all interference with such questions.

The Legislature, which assembled at Neosho, finally obtained a quorum by the appointment of proxies.

There were 23 members in the upper, and 77 in the lower House. An act passed unanimously on November 2d, to ratify an arrangement between certain Commissioners of the State and the Confederate Government, by which Missouri was to become a member of the Confederacy. That agreement was as follows:

Whereas, it is the common desire of the State of Missouri and the Confederate States of America, that said State should become a member of the Confederacy; and whereas, the accomplishment of their purpose is now prevented by an armed invasion of the territory of said States by the United States; and whereas, the interests of both demand that they should make common cause in the war waged by the United States against the liberties of both; now, therefore, for these most desirable objects, the Executive power of the State of Missouri has conferred full powers on Edward Carrington Cabell and Thomas L. Snead, and the President of the Confederate States of America, on R. M. T. Hunter, their Secretary of State, who, after having exchanged their said full powers in due and proper form, have agreed to the following articles:

Article 1. The State of Missouri shall be admitted into said Confederacy, on an equal footing with the other States composing the same, on the fulfilment of the conditions set forth in the second section of the act of the Congress of the Confederate States, entitled "An act to aid the State of Missouri in repelling invasion by the United States, and to authorize the admission of said State as a member of the Confederate States of America, and for other purposes," approved August 20, 1861.

Art. 2. Until said State of Missouri shall become a member of said Confederacy, the whole military force, material of war, and military operations, offensive and defensive, of said State shall be under the chief control and direction of the President of the Confederate States, upon the same basis, principles, and footing, as if said State were now and during the interval, a member of said Confederacy, the said force, together with that of the Confederate States, to be employed for their common defence.

Art. 3. The State of Missouri will, whenever she becomes a member of said Confederacy, turn over to said Confederate States all the public property, naval stores, and munitions of war, of which she may then be in possession, acquired from the United States, (excepting the public lands,) on the same terms and in the same manner as the other States of said Confederacy have done in like cases.

Art. 4. All expenditures for the prosecution of the existing war incurred by the State of Missouri, from and after the date of the signing of this convention, shall be met and provided for by the Confederate States.

Art. 5. The alliance hereby made between the said State of Missouri and the Confederate States, shall be offensive and defensive, and shall be and remain in force during the continuance of the existing war with the United States, or until superseded by the admission of said State to the Confederacy, and shall take effect from the date thereof, according to the provisions of the third section of the aforesaid act, approved August 20, 1861.

In faith whereof, we, the Commissioners of the State of Missouri and of the Confederate States of America, have signed and sealed these presents.

Done, in duplicate, at the city of Richmond, on the 31st day of October, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty one.

E. C. CABELL.

THOS. L. SNEAD.

R. M. T. HUNTER.

The same body elected as Senators to the Confederate Congress John B. Clark and R. L. Y. Peyton, and Thomas A. Harris, Casper W. Hell, A. H. Conrad, Thomas Freeman, George Vest, Dr. Hyer, of Dent, and William M. Cooke, of St. Louis, Representatives in the Congress at Richmond.

BENNETT'S MILLS. At this small village, in Dent Co., Missouri, a small body of the Dent Co. Home Guard having their head-quarters there, and numbering only 38 men, were attacked about the dawn of day, Sunday morning, September 1, by a body of 350 Confederate troops, belonging to Schnabel's regiment. The Confederates advanced stealthily in two divisions, having first picketed their horses on the Salem road, and crept around the pickets, and had nearly reached the camp before the alarm was given. The little band of Home Guards, taken by surprise, caught up their guns and resisted bravely for half an hour, driving the Confederate troops back at their first rush up the ravine. At length, finding themselves in danger of being overpowered by the greatly superior force of the enemy, they retreated under the order of Sergeant Bay, the highest officer left, and escaped up another ravine. The Confederates did not pursue them. The Federal loss was 3 killed and 6 wounded. The Confederate loss was not ascertained, but their killed and wounded filled a large Michigan wagon which they seized, and in which they carried them from the field.

CARTHAGE is the capital of Jasper County in Missouri. It is situated on Spring River, about 220 miles southwest of Jefferson City. On the prairie, about seven miles east of the town, a small force of about one thousand or eleven hundred men, under General Sigel and Salomon, attacked a Confederate force under General Rains and Price, with Governor Jackson, about the 5th of July. The battle was hotly contested, and resulted in the Union forces retiring. The spot is known under the name of Brier Forks.

The forces engaged were about twelve hundred Nationals, with ten pieces of artillery, against a large Confederate force, with five pieces of cannon, and having the advantage of a considerable body of cavalry. General Sigel commenced the attack on the enemy's line of battle at half-past nine o'clock in the morning, and succeeded, after about two hours' fighting, in silencing his artillery. The Confederate cavalry then made a movement to outflank him, and make an attack upon his baggage train, but General Sigel manoeuvred in such admirable style that the attempt entirely failed. The National forces retired until a point was reached where the road ran between two high bluffs, the opening being occupied by the Confederate cavalry, when, by a ruse, he drew them in a solid body to within a hundred and fifty yards of his position, where he opened upon them with a cross-fire of artillery and charged them at a double-quick step with his infantry, scattering them in every direction. The enemy finally retired to Carthage, and General Sigel fell back on Sarcoxie, and the nest day went to Mount Vernon to await reinforcements.

The loss, on the Federal side was reported at thirteen killed and thirty-one wounded. On the Confederate side it was much larger.

FREDERICKTOWN, a small town of southeast Missouri, the capital of Madison Co. Near this place, on the 21st October, the Confederate troops under General Jeff. Thompson and Colonel Lowe, from 3,500 to 4,000 in number, were attacked by a Federal force, consisting of the Seventeenth, Twentieth, Twenty-first, and Thirty-third Illinois and Eleventh Missouri regiments, six companies of the First Indiana Cavalry, and one section of Schofield's battery, the whole under the command of Colonel J. B. Plummer, of the Eleventh Missouri, and numbering about 3,000 men. An engagement followed, which continued two hours and a half, when the Confederate troops were routed along their whole line and fled in disorder, seeking protection in the woods. They were pursued 22 miles. Their loss was very heavy, Colonel Lowe was slain and about 170 of their killed left on the field were buried by the Federal soldiers. Colonel Plummer captured 80 prisoners, of whom 38 were wounded. He also took one 42-pounder and a considerable quantity of small-arms. The Federal loss was six killed, (among them Major Gavitt and Captain Highman, of the First Indiana Cavalry.) and 60 wounded. Page 328

HARRISONVILLE, a village in Cass County, Missouri, 115 miles in a direct line west from Jefferson City. On the 13th of July, a body of Home Guards, in the United States service as a reserve, wore attacked about three miles north of this place by a considerable Confederate force. The fight continued for four hours, when the latter retreated, having had fourteen killed.

HOUSTON, a town of Southern Missouri, capital of Texas Co., situated on the Piney fork of Gasconade River, at the foot of the northern slope of the Ozark Mountains. Here, on the 4th of November, an expedition, under command of Colonel Gresnel, sent by Colonel Dodge, attacked a Confederate force stationed here, and captured 32 prisoners, several of them officers, 500 cattle, 90 horses and mules, a considerable amount of stores, and a large mail for the Confederate army, containing information respecting the position of the entire Confederate force in Missouri.

LEBANON is a small village in Boone County. Missouri, about forty-two miles north by west from Jefferson City, the capital of the State. On the 13th of October, a sudden dash was made upon a body of Confederate troops numbering about three hundred, by a Federal force, a few miles east of Lebanon. The Confederate force had gathered on the side of a hill on the right of a road running eastward, and were drawn up in line of battle, expecting an attack from a corn-field on the opposite side of the road. In this position they remained an hour and a half, when, suddenly, two companies of Federal cavalry, under Capts. Montgomery and Switzler, advanced over the brow of the hill in their rear, and plunged forward to within a hundred paces, delivering, at the same time, a destructive fire on the enemy, who were scattered and retired precipitately on the road towards Lebanon. Several of the Confederate force were killed, and thirteen taken prisoners.

SPRINGFIELD, a city and capital of Green Co., Missouri, situated on the line of the S. W. branch of the Pacific Railroad, 250 miles southwest of St. Louis, and 130 south-southwest from Jefferson City. Population about 1,500. Before the commencement of the war it was one of the finest towns in southwestern Missouri. Its situation was high and healthy, and its trade flourishing and rapidly increasing. It Page 659 had a court house, a United States land office, two newspaper offices, several churches, and a hank, and had a city charter. On the 6th August, 1861, General Lyon, commanding a body of about 4,000 troops of the Federal forces, arrived at Springfield, and on the 8th a skirmish occurred between a part of his force and the Confederates at Dug Spring, a short distance from the city. On the 10th a battle was fought at David's and Wilson's creeks, the first nine, the second fifteen miles from the city, in which General Lyon's force, in three columns, commanded by General Siegel, Major (since General) Sturgis, and himself, attacked a Confederate force of nearly five times its own numbers, and after a desperate battle of six hours remained in possession of the Confederate camp, but with the loss of General Lyon and 223 others killed, 721 wounded, and 291 taken prisoners. The Confederate loss was never published in detail, but was known to be considerably greater than this. After the battle, General Siegel, taking the chief command, fell back to Springfield, and the next day made a masterly retreat to Rolla, where he received reinforcements. On the 11th the Confederate general Rains entered and occupied the city with four regiments of cavalry. On the 25th October Major Charles Zagonyi, commander of General Fremont's body guard, with 160 mounted troops of that guard, made a most brilliant attack upon the Confederate forces stationed near the city, over two thousand in number, and who, having been informed of his coming, were drawn up in order of battle to receive him. He charged with his little band up a steep hill in the face of a most murderous fire, and after a short action, drove them into, through, and out of the town, with a loss of fifty killed, wounded, and missing. The Confederate loss was 60 killed and a large number wounded. On the 28th October a skirmish occurred in the town, in which several Confederates were taken prisoners. On November 3 Major-General David Hunter, who had been appointed to supersede General Fremont in the command of the Federal army in the Department of the West, arrived with his staff at Springfield, and on the 9th abandoned it and moved towards Rolla with his army. On the 27th General Price, of the Confederate army, reoccupied it, and it was held by the Confederates till February, 1862.

ST. LOUIS is the chief city west of the Mississippi River, on the right bank of which it is located, at a distance of twenty miles below the mouth of the Missouri River, one hundred and seventy-four miles above the mouth of the Ohio, and eleven hundred and ninety-four miles above New Orleans. It is a most important commercial point. The first incident arising out of the irritating state of affairs in the country, to occasion any special excitement in this great and populous city, occurred on the 11th of January. The United States sub-treasurer, then having in his custody all the public money in the city, and naturally anxious for the safety of his important trust, from abundant, or perhaps superabundant caution, conceived that his duty required of him some security for his treasure beyond the ordinary one of locks and bolts. He therefore requested of the Government the presence of a small guard of soldiers from the neighboring barracks, where they were unemployed; and in compliance with this application the Secretary of War directed that such a guard should be furnished. This led to a telegraphic despatch, through the country, that troops had taken possession of the sub-treasury, post-office, and custom-house, by order of the Government, and occasioned an unusual excitement, as indicating a purpose on the part of the Government to use its military power.

On the 26th of April, twenty-one thousand stand of arms were  removed from the arsenal and taken to Springfield in Illinois. Subsequently troops were enlisted to the number of fifteen hundred to protect the property.

On the 16th of May, the brigade of State militia under General Frost surrendered to General Lyon, an officer in the United States service. A camp of instruction had been formed under General Frost in the western suburbs of the city, in pursuance of orders from the Governor of the State. He had directed the other militia •districts also to go into encampments with a view of acquiring a greater proficiency in military drill. It had been reported to General Frost, that General Lyon intended to attack him, and on the other hand, it had been reported to General Lyon that it was the intention of General Frost to attack the arsenal and United States troops. On the 16th, General Frost addressed a note to General Lyon alluding to these reports, and saying:

I would be glad to know from you personally whether there is any truth in the statements that are constantly poured into my cars. So far as regards any hostility being intended towards the United States, or its property or representatives, by any portion of my command, or, as far as I can I can, (and I think I am fully informed,) of any other part of the State forces, I can say positively that the idea has never been entertained. On the contrary, prior to your taking command of the arsenal, I proffered to Major Bell, then in command of the very few troops constituting its guard, the service of myself and all my command, and, if necessary, the whole power of the State to protect the United States in the full possession of all her property. Upon General Harney's taking command of this department, I made the same proffer of services to him, and authorized his adjutant-general, Captain Williams, to communicate the fact that such had been done to the War Department. I have had no occasion since to change any of the views I entertained at that time, neither of my own volition nor through the orders of my constitutional commander.

About the same time, General Lyon's troops were put in motion, to the number, as was represented, of four or five thousand, and proceeded through the city, to the camp of General Frost, and surrounded it, planting batteries on all the heights overlooking the camp. Long files of men were stationed in platoons at various points on every side, and a picket guard established, covering an area of two hundred yards. The guards, with fixed bayonets and muskets at half cock, were instructed to allow none to pass or repass within the limits thus taken up.

By this time an immense crowd of people had assembled in the vicinity, having gone thither in carriages, buggies, rail cars, baggage wagons, on horseback, and on foot. Numbers of men seized rifles, shot-guns, or whatever other weapons they could lay hands on, and rushed to the assistance of the State troops, but were, of course, obstructed in their design. The hills, of which there are a number in the neighborhood, were literally black with people—hundreds of ladies and children stationing themselves with the throng, but as they thought out of harm's way.

Having arrived in this position, General Lyon addressed a letter to General Frost saying:

To General D. M. Frost:

Sir: Your command is regarded as evidently hostile towards the Government of the United States. It is, for the most part, made up of those secessionists who have openly avowed their hostility to the General Government, and have been plotting the seizure of its property and the overthrow of its authority. You are openly In communication with the so-called Southern Confederacy, which is now at war with the United States; and you are receiving, at your camp, from the said Confederacy, under its nag, large supplies of material of war, most of which is known to be the property of the United States. These extraordinary preparations plainly indicate none other than the well-known purpose of the Governor Page 661 of this Slate, under whose orders yon are acting, and whose purpose, recently communicated to the Legislature, has just been responded to by that body in the most unparalleled legislation, having in direct view hostilities against the General Government, and cooperating with its enemies.

In view of these considerations, and your failure to disperse in obedience to the proclamation of the President, and of the eminent necessity of State policy and welfare, and obligations imposed upon me by instructions from Washington, it is my duty to demand, and I do hereby demand of you, an immediate surrender of your command, with no other conditions than that all persons surrendering under this demand shall be humanely and kindly treated.

Believing myself prepared to enforce this demand, one half hour's time before doing so will be allowed for your compliance therewith.

N. LYON,

Captain Second Infantry, Commanding Troops.

Immediately on the receipt of the foregoing, General Frost called a hasty consultation of the officers of his staff. The conclusion arrived at was that the brigade was in no condition to make resistance to a force so numerically superior, and that only one course could be pursued —a surrender.

The State troops were therefore made prisoners, but an offer was made to release them on condition they would take an oath to support the Constitution of the United States, and not to take up arms against the Government. These terms they declined on the ground that they had already taken the oath of allegiance, and to repeat it would be to admit that they had been in rebellion.

About half-past five, the prisoners left the grove and entered the road, the United States soldiers enclosing them by a single file stretched along each side of the line. A halt was ordered, and the troops remained standing in the position they had deployed into the road. The head of the column at the time rested opposite a small hill on the left as one approaches the city, and the rear was on a line with the entrance to the grove. Vast crowds of people covered the surrounding grounds and every fence and house top in the vicinity. Suddenly the sharp reports of several fire-arms were heard from the front of the column, and the spectators that lined the adjacent hill were seen fleeing in the greatest dismay and terror. It appeared that several members of one of the German companies, on being pressed by the crowd and receiving some blows from them, turned and discharged their pieces. Fortunately no one was injured, and the soldiers who had done the act were at once placed under arrest. Hardly, however, had tranquillity been restored when volley after volley of rifle reports was suddenly heard from the extreme rear ranks, and men, women, and children were beheld running wildly and frantically away from the scene. Many, while running, were suddenly struck to the sod, and the wounded and dying made the late beautiful field look like a battle-ground. The total number killed and wounded was twenty-five. It was said that the arsenal troops were attacked with stones, and two shots discharged at them by the crowd before they fired. Most of the people exposed to the fire were citizens with their wives and children, who were merely spectators. It was now night, and the excitement in the city was indescribable. On the next afternoon a large body of the German Home Guard entered the city from the arsenal, where they had been enlisted during the day, and furnished with arms. They passed unmolested until they turned up Walnut street, and proceeded westward. Large crowds were collected on the corners, who hooted and hissed as the companies passed, and one man standing on the steps of a church fired a revolver into the ranks. A soldier fell dead, when two more shots were fired from the windows of a house near by. This time the head of the column, which had reached as far as Seventh street, suddenly turned, and levelling their rifles, fired down the street, and promiscuously among the spectators, who lined the pavements. Shooting, as they did, directly towards their rear ranks, they killed some of their men as well as those composing the crowd. The shower of bullets was for a moment terrible, and the only wonder was that more lives were not lost. The missiles of lead entered the windows and perforated the doors of private residences, tearing the ceilings, and throwing splinters in every direction. On the street the scene presented, as the soldiers moved off, was sad indeed. Six men lay dead at different points, and several were wounded and shrieking with pain upon the pavements. Four of the men killed were members of the regiment, and two were citizens. Immense crowds of people filled the streets after the occurrence, and the whole city presented a scene of excitement seldom witnessed. Among the arms taken at Camp Jackson were three thirty-two pounders, a large quantity of balls and bombs, several pieces of artillery, twelve hundred rifles, of the late model, six brass field-pieces, six brass six-inch mortars, one ten-inch iron mortal-, three six-inch iron cannon, several chests of new muskets, five boxes canister shot, ninety-six ten-inch and three hundred six-inch shells, twenty-five kegs of powder, and a large number of musket stocks and barrels, between thirty and forty horses, and a considerable quantity of camp tools.

The number of prisoners taken to the arsenal, was six hundred and thirty-nine privates and fifty officers.

The character of Camp Jackson is described by General Harney in his proclamation to the people of Missouri, in these words:

"It is not proper for me to comment upon the official conduct of my predecessor in command of this department, but it is right and proper for the people of Missouri to know that the main avenue of Camp Jackson, recently under command of General Frost, had the name of Davis, and the principal street of the same camp that of Beauregard; and that a body of men had been received into that camp by its commander, which had been notoriously organized Page 662 in the interests of the secessionists—the men openly wearing the dress and badge distinguishing the army of the so-called Southern Confederacy. It is also a notorious fact that a quantity of arms had been received into the camp, which were unlawfully taken from the United States arsenal nt Baton Rouge, and surreptitiously passed up the river in boxes marked marble."

The city was in a short time surrounded by a line of military posts, extending from the river below the arsenal round the western outskirts to the river again on the north. The object of those posts was to prevent hostile troops and munitions of war from entering the city, and to protect the public peace and give security to the citizens.

On the 17th of June, another street affair occurred, by which four citizens lost their lives, and three or four soldiers were wounded. The selection of St. Louis as the head-quarters of the Western Department gave it a military position, from whence the troops were fitted out, who were destined cither for Missouri or Kentucky. General Harney was succeeded here by General Fremont, and he again by General Halleck, and under their management St. Louis was identified with all the movements of the great "Western army. No event apart from such as naturally arise out of this combination of circumstances, therefore, occurred during the year. When martial law was declared by General Fremont, it was enforced throughout the city, and when the Union people were forced to flee from the Western villages on the approach of the Confederate forces, and resorted to St. Louis, General Halleck came to their relief, by imposing fines upon such citizens of St. Louis, as were known to sympathize with secessionists.

His order, directing a levy upon the friends of the enemy for charitable purposes, caused a number of the citizens of St. Louis to prepare and lay before him a protest, in which they thus speak of the order and the proceedings under it:

They violate the provisions of a fundamental law of the land—a law to you as well as to us—prescribing the duties of the citizen, and clearly defining and limiting the powers of the Government. That law provides that no person shall "be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law;" that the "accused shall enjoy a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witness against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defence."

And yet, in disregard of all these great and dearly cherished principles of constitutional freedom, at a time when the Federal Congress is in session to enact laws, if new ones be deemed necessary; the courts in full operation to enforce them; civil officers with all the power of the army and navy at hand to aid them in the execution of process, and all branches of the Government in full and harmonious operation, we have been tried before a secret inquisitorial tribunal, on what charge we know not, and condemned to pay a forced contribution, arbitrarily levied upon us for alleged charitable purposes. In case of failure to liquidate the amount adjudged against us within the number of days allowed for that purpose, our property is threatened to be seized and sacrificed by sale at auction, to satisfy such demand, and twenty-five per cent, additional. And what is the remedy prescribed for those considering themselves aggrieved by the secret edicts and decrees of this tribunal? They are allowed one week within which "to furnish evidence to the Board to vindicate their character," and if at the end of that time they fail to satisfy those judges, who have already prejudged their cases, of their loyalty, they shall be adjudged to pay the further sum of ten per cent, on the sum assessed.

If we have in any manner transgressed the law, we are ready to make all the atonement which the violated law demands. Its avenging ministers are near to try, condemn, and punish us conformably to the established forms and usages of law. There exists no necessity in our opinion for overriding, in the way proposed, the great principles of the fundamental law, setting aside all the restraints and limitations it so guardedly places upon power, and thus inaugurating new tests and arbitrary modes for ascertaining guilt. There exists no necessity for such summary proceedings. Within this jurisdiction the ordinary course of justice, except so far as it has been interfered with by the military authority, has been, and is now, entirely free and unobstructed.

Vouchsafe us a speedy and public trial by an impartial jury; make known to us the nature and cause of the accusations against us; let us be confronted with our accusers, that we may see the hand that would smite us, and do not leave us and all we own to the mercy of a Star Chamber Court of Inquiry, where malice may be the lurking motive that determines the question of guilt, and pronounces the judgment that may doom us and ours to want and beggary. If two or three military officers of the United States, or other persons designated for such purpose, may meet in secret, and, without notice, single out such citizens as they may choose, upon whom to levy forced contributions, and arbitrarily fix the amount of the same, what man, who may perchance bold political opinions not altogether acceptable to the tribunal thus constituted, can consider himself secure in his right of liberty or property?

The fines, however, were enforced much to the chagrin of those compelled to pay them. (See Martial Law.)


Source: The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.