The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.

Union States in 1861, Part 2: Maine through Minnesota

MAINE, the easternmost State of the American Union, was admitted in 1820, previous to which period it had formed a district of Massachusetts. It is situated between latitude 42° 57' and 47° 32' north, and longitude 66° 52' and 71° 0' west from Greenwich. Its extreme length from north to south is 303 miles, and its extreme width 212 miles. Its average length is about 200 miles, and its average width 160 miles. Its area is 81,766 square miles, or 20,330,240 square acres. Population, in 1860, 628,276. It is bounded northwest and north by Canada, east by New Brunswick, southeast and south by the Atlantic Ocean, and west by New Hampshire. It is divided into 16 counties. The valuation of the real and personal property of its citizens in 1850 was $122,777,571; in 1800, $190,211,600.

The following are some of the agricultural statistics of the State, from the census of 1860. The number of acres under cultivation was 2,677,136; value of cultivated lands, $78,688,525; value of stock, $15,437,380; tons of hay raised, 975,686; bushels of potatoes, 6,274,617; corn, 1,546,071; pounds of wool, 1,495,063; maple sugar, 806,942; butter, 11,687,784; value of orchard products, $501,757. Number of vessels built in 1860,172; tonnage, 57,867 tons, or more than one-fourth of the whole tonnage of vessels built in the United States that year.

There are 79 banks in the State, with an aggregate capital of $7,968,850. These banks have a circulation of $4,075,433; liabilities, $7,338,846; loans and discounts, $12,540,367; specie, $724,036. There are also in the State 14 savings institutions, which have an aggregate deposit of $1,620,270.

The State debt, at the beginning-of 1861, was about $1,172,000; and in addition to other property, it held 3,190,000 acres of public lands. The permanent school fund was about $150,000, to be increased by the sale of 417,567 acres of reserved lands, 20 per cent, on all subsequent sales of unsold public lands, and $30,000 in notes for school lands already sold. About $113,000 are appropriated annually for educational purposes by the Legislature, and the towns are obliged to raise by tax for school purposes a cam equal to 60 cents for each inhabitant.

Maine had, on the 1st of January, 1862, 640 miles of railway completed, or in course of construction; of which 450 miles, constructed and equipped at a cost of $16,001,057, were open for traffic. During the session of the Legislature in 1861, measures were taken to promote the completion of a line of railroad, of which considerable sections were already built, connecting by a continuous line Portland, Maine, with Halifax, Nova Scotia, with a branch line to the Aroostook at Hamilton, Maine. This great international undertaking was projected and fairly set in motion, some years ago, at the Portland Convention. The entire distance from Portland to Halifax is 562 miles; of this 238 miles lie in Maine, 200 miles in New Brunswick, and 124 miles in Nova Scotia. Of this line 138 miles are built in Maine from Bangor, 160 miles in New Brunswick from St. John to Shediac, on the Gulf of St. Lawrence, and 61 miles in Nova Scotia from Halifax, northward, to Truro. For more than half the distance, therefore, the line is already completed. The provinces of New Brunswick and Nova Scotia built their sections as public provincial works, at the expense of their governments, and were ready to complete their entire portions on being assured of the readiness of Maine to complete its section to the boundary.

The Governor strongly urged on the Legislature the duty of completing their share of the work; but as the Constitution of Maine prohibited the creation of a State debt, or a loan of credit, except for national defence, he advised them to apply the proceeds of the State lands, and of the claims of Maine on the United States Government, to this object.

After much debate, a bill was passed granting the proceeds of one million of acres of land, and the claims of Maine on the Government of the United States, towards the completion of the work.

In view of the secession and threatened secession of several States from the United States Government, the Legislature passed, on the 16th of January, 1861, by a large majority, the following joint resolutions:

Whereas, By advices received from Washington, and by information received in many other ways, it appears that an extensive combination exists of evil-disposed persons to effect the dissolution of the Federal Page 437 Union and the overthrow of the Government; and whereas the people of this State are deeply attached to the Union and thoroughly loyal to the Government, and are heartily devoted to their preservation and protection; therefore,

Resolved, That the Governor be, and hereby is, authorized and requested to assure the President of the United States of the loyalty of the people of Maine to the Union and the Government thereof; and that the entire resources of the State in men and money are hereby pledged to the Administration in defence and support of the Constitution and the Union.

On the 11th of March, the Senate passed a bill repealing the Personal Liberty Act. The vote stood 17 for repeal, and 10 against it.

On the 16th of April, Governor Washburn issued the following proclamation, calling together the Legislature, which had adjourned, in an extra session on the 22d of April:

The fact that the laws of the United States have been, and now are opposed, and their execution obstructed, in the States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas, by a combination too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the power vested in the Marshals by the laws that are; the fact that a requisition has been made on me by the President of the United States for a portion of the militia of the State to aid in suppressing such combinations, and causing the laws to be duly executed; the fact that I find-myself without sufficient authority of law to enable me to respond thereto as the exigency of the case requires,—these facts present, in my judgment, one of those extraordinary occasions contemplated in the Constitution for convening the Legislature.

In consideration whereof, I, Israel Washburn, Jr., Governor of the State of Maine, in virtue of the power vested in me by the Constitution to convene the Legislature of this State, hereby require the Senators and Representatives to assemble in their respective chambers at the capitol in Augusta, on Monday, the 22d day of April instant, at 12 o'clock noon, and then and there to consider and determine on such measures as the condition of the country and the obligations of the State may seem to demand.

ISRAEL WASHBURN, Jr.

The session of the Legislature was a brief one, lasting only three and a half days; but during that time, all business necessary to enable the State to meet the remarkable crisis of the country, was performed with promptness and unanimity. Provisions were made to receive, arm, and equip ten regiments of volunteers, not to exceed 10,000 men. To meet this expense, the State credit was to be loaned and scrip issued, to the amount of $1,000,000. A bill was also passed to raise a volunteer corps of militia of three regiments, not to exceed 3,000 men, who should be armed, equipped, and drilled at the expense of the State, and subject to be called into actual service at the demand of the proper authorities. The volunteers in actual service were to receive two months' bounty and the regular pay of $11 per month. The proper steps were taken to place the whole militia force of the State in the most effective condition. A contingent bill was also passed, authorizing the Governor, if in his discretion the public safety should demand it, to provide a coast guard to protect the ships, commerce, and harbors of the State from privateers. To meet the expense of this coast guard, if it should bo deemed necessary to organize it, a loan of $300,000 was authorized to be made.

The spirit which prompted this patriotic action pervaded the people of the State during the year. All classes were influenced by it. The ship-builders and ship-owners of the State met and offered their vessels to the Government; the lumbermen of the interior, and the fishermen of the coast willingly volunteered to preserve the Union, and men of all professions hastened to fill up the ranks with loyal and brave soldiers. Sixteen regiments, one of them one of the best cavalry regiments in the service, six batteries of artillery, and a company of sharpshooters, were furnished from this State, being more than 2,500 beyond its quota, and they have maintained the high reputation of the State for bravery and self-possession in their numerous battles.

The elections for State officers and the Legislature gave a majority of nearly 60,000 for the vigorous prosecution of the war.

During the year, arrangements were made for the erection of a fort at the mouth of the Kennebec River. An appropriation of $100,000 was made for it four years ago, but Secretary Floyd would not take the necessary steps for procuring a title and domain over the land necessary for its location. Messrs. Hamlin, Williams, and Poor, the Commissioners of the State, took measures to have the matter brought properly before the Secretary of War, and secured the appropriation. It is to be called Fort Popham, in honor of Governor Popham, who, in 1608, erected a fort on the same site. The Legislature, at its regular session in 1861, authorized a partial geological survey of the State, which was commenced in the autumn of that year by Messrs. E. Holmes, of Winthrop, Me., and C. H. Hitchcock, of Amherst, Mass., and is to be prosecuted more thoroughly the present year.

Their investigations in 1861 were confined mostly to the northern and northeastern parts of the State, and they made a report of the results to the Legislature in a volume of 400 octavo pages. The most important of these results are: the discovery of a rich fertile district in northern Maine, of climate much milder than that of the regions south of it, in which plants that could not endure the climate of Massachusetts grow spontaneously and come to perfection. In the eastern part of Aroostook County, extensive beds of marl and some gypsum were found, as well as valuable quarries of statuary marble of excellent quality, limestone, and roofing slate. Gold was found on the Upper St. John River, and copper ores in the eastern part of Aroostook and the northern part of Washington County. In another section a large mass of tin ore was discovered, and the indications for a tin mine were better than any previously found in this country. Extensive beds of fossils were found in rocks analogous to the Lower Helderberg group and Oriskany sandstone.

MARYLAND, the most southern of the Middle States, is bounded on the north by Pennsylvania, east by Delaware and the Atlantic, and south, southwest, and west by Virginia, from which it is separated by the Potomac River. The population in 1860, was 616,128 whites, 83,718 free colored, and 87,188 slaves; total, 687,034. The ratio of increase during the previous ten years was 23.49 white, 12.04 free colored, 3.52 slaves. The Governor is elected for four years. The term of Governor Hicks expired at the close of 1861. The Senate consists of twenty-two members, who are elected for four years, and the House of seventy-four members, who are elected for two years. (See New American Cyclopaedia.)

The location of Maryland on the highway between the North and the South, and the position of the District of Columbia within her territory, made her somewhat of a coveted prize with the States determined to secede. By her secession she would take possession of the District of Columbia, and Washington become the capital of the Southern Confederacy. These considerations caused unusual excitement among her citizens as to the course which the State should pursue. Perhaps the most weighty of the material considerations which controlled as well her action as that of Kentucky, arose from her geographical position.

A border State, adjoining a great slave State on one side, and on the other a greater and far more populous free State, which was one of those Maryland had cause to censure as having provoked, although it did not justify the extreme violence of the South, and that was restrained by law and decency from open warfare upon slave property; yet the moment she joined and made common cause with others of the South, then would commence the stamped on that in less than six months would either not leave a remnant of that peculiar property in the State, or make the residue evil disposed and of no value.

The slave property in the state, at the commencement of the difficulties of the country was estimated at not less than fifty millions in value. In addition, there would also have been the removal of about one hundred thousand servile laborers from the cultivation of the soil, thereby become desolate. This change of circumstances in her condition would have made her a free State, thereby destroying almost entirely her particular interest for a union with the Southern States, and placing her on terms of disunion and hostility with the free North, to which she had thus become in a degree assimilated.

The first decisive public act of the Governor in favor of the Union, was his reply to A. H. Handy, who had been appointed by the Legislature of Mississippi, as a commissioner from that State to Maryland. The occasion of this visit of the Mississippi Commissioner, as stated by himself, was " the crisis in the national affairs of this country, and the danger which imperils the safety and rights of the Southern States by reason of the election of a sectional candidate to the office of President of the Page 443 United States, and upon a platform of principles destructive of our constitutional rights, which calls for prompt and decisive action for the purpose of protection and future security." To the views expressed by the Commissioner sent upon such an occasion, the Governor replied on the 19th of December. In this reply he declared his purpose to act in full concert with the other Border States, " and I do not doubt," he adds, "the people of Maryland are ready to go with the people of those States for weal or woe." He fully agreed in the opinion as to the necessity for protection to the rights of the South, and while his sympathies were with the gallant people of Mississippi, he hoped they would act with prudence as well as with courage.

From this time unparalleled efforts were made to induce the Governor to call an extra session of the Legislature. The success of this movement involved, among its consequences, the possession of Washington by the Southern Confederacy, the prevention of the inauguration of the President-elect, and the prominence that would be given to the Southern Government in the eyes of the world, by actually supplanting that of the United States in its very citadel. Another consequence of immediate importance to the citizens of Maryland would also follow, and that was whether the State should form a part of the United States or of the Southern Confederacy. "With a single eye to this consideration, the Governor appears to have been controlled.

Nevertheless, the friends of the Southern States were strenuous in their efforts to overcome the opposition of the Governor. The action of the Legislature was necessary, to obtain a legal State Convention. Through the decision of such a body it was hoped to place the State side by side with her Southern sisters. Twelve members of the twenty-two, who composed the State Senate, met, and adopted an address to the Governor, urging the necessity of an extra session. Preliminary steps were contemplated for calling an informal State Convention of prominent citizens of all political parties, in order to obtain from that body an expression of the sentiment of the people in favor of an extra session of the legislature. On the other side, the friends of the Union memorialized the Governor in opposition to such a measure. They said his course of refusal received their full approval, and they hoped he would steadily refuse, unless there should appear to his calm and deliberate judgment just cause to do so. In answer to these appeals he issued an address, stating very fully his views, in which he said:

I firmly believe that a division of this Government would inevitably produce civil war. The secession leaders in South Carolina, and the fanatical demagogues of the North have alike proclaimed that such would be the result, and no man of sense, in my opinion, can question it. What could the Legislature do m this crisis, if convened, to remove the present troubles which beset the Union? We are told by the leading spirits of the South Carolina Convention that neither the election of Mr. Lincoln nor the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave law, nor both combined, constitute their grievances. They declare that the real cause of their discontent dates as far back as 1883. Maryland and every other State in the Union, with a united voice, then declared the cause insufficient to justify the course of South Carolina. Can it be that this people who then unanimously supported the cause of General Jackson, will now yield their opinions at the bidding of modern secessionists? I have been told that the position of Maryland should bo defined so that both sections can understand it. Do any really understand her position? Who that wishes to understand it can fail to do so? If the action of the Legislature would be simply to declare that Maryland is with the South in sympathy and feeling; that she demands from the North the repeal of offensive, unconstitutional statutes, and appeals to it for new guarantees, that she will wait a reasonable time for the North to purge her statute-books, as to do justice to her Southern brethren, and, if her appeals are vain, will make her common cause with her sister border States in resistance to tyranny if need be, it would only be saying what the whole country well knows, and what may be said much more effectually by her people themselves, in their meetings, than by the Legislature, chosen eighteen months since, when none of these questions were raised before them. That Maryland is a conservative Southern State all know who know any thing of her people or her history. The business and agricultural classes, planters, merchants, mechanics, and laboring men, those who have' a real stake in the community, who would be forced to pay the taxes and do the fighting, are the persons who should be heard in preference to excited politicians, many of whom having nothing to lose from the destruction of the Government, may hope to derive some gain from the ruin of the State. Such men will naturally urge you to pull down the pillars of this "accursed Union," which their allies at the North have denominated a "covenant with hell."

The people of Maryland, if left to themselves, would decide, with scarcely an exception, that there is nothing in the present causes of complaint to justify immediate secession; and yet, against our judgments and solemn convictions of duty, we are to be precipitated into this revolution, because South Carolina thinks differently. Are we not equals? Or shall her opinions control our actions? After we have solemnly declared for ourselves, as every man must do, are we to be forced to yield our opinions to those of another State, and thus in effect obey her mandates? She refuses to wait for our counsels. Arc we bound to obey her commands? The men who have embarked in this scheme to convene the Legislature, will spare no pains to carry their point. The whole plan of operations, in the event of the assembling of the Legislature, is, as I have been informed, already marked out, the list of ambassadors who are to visit the other States is agreed on, and the resolutions which they hope will be passed by the Legislature, fully committing this State to secession, are said to be already prepared. In the course of nature, I cannot have long to live, and I fervently trust to bo allowed to end my days a citizen of this glorious Union. But should I be compelled to witness the downfall of that Government inherited from our fathers, established, as it were, by the special favor of God, I will at least have the consolation, at my dying hour, that I neither by word nor deed assisted in hastening its disruption.

                             THOMAS H. HICKS.

As time passed on, it became apparent that the approval of the policy of Governor Hicks was almost unanimous on the eastern shore, and that in the western part of the State the same sentiment prevailed. A meeting for a counter movement, called under favorable circumstances in Baltimore, was attended by only a few hundred persons. On the 18th and 19th of February Page 444 an irregular State Convention was held at Baltimore, in which most of the counties in the State were represented. Its object was to take into consideration the position of Maryland in reference to the national difficulties, and its deliberations resulted in an address and a series of resolutions.

The action proposed was simply to wait. The resolutions asserted that a full and fair expression of the popular will was most likely to be had by a Convention called on the recommendation of the Governor, and that, as it was asserted that the Governor would, by proclamation, authorize such a movement in the event of a failure upon the part of Congress and the Peace Conference, to adopt any satisfactory plan of compromise, the Convention approved that purpose, and adjourned until the 12th of March, to await the Governor's action; unless, intermediately, the State of Virginia should secede, when the Convention was to be immediately reassembled at the call of its President. If the Governor declined to call a "Sovereign" Convention previous to the 12th of March, then the Convention would at once recommend to the people to proceed to the election of delegates to such a Convention.

This Convention reassembled again on the 12th of March, in reduced numbers. The result of its action was simply a negation of the necessity for any movement on the part of Maryland at that time. The Convention further resolved that the proposition for a Conference among the Southern Border States, by delegates deriving authority from the people, would meet the approval of Maryland, and appointed a committee to visit the Virginia Convention and express to them that assurance. Those of the delegates who desired to go farther than was proposed by the report of the Committee on Resolutions, submitted amendments, declaring that all attempts upon the part of the Government to "reoccupy, repossess, or retake" any forts or any other property within the limits of the seceded States, would be acts of war, and that such acts would absolve Maryland and the Border States from all connection with the United States. These amendments were opposed, as in reality opening the way to secession, and as initiating a programme that would not be sanctioned by the people of Maryland. Finally the subject was postponed.

Movements were also commenced for the organization of a Union party in the State. At a public meeting held at Frederick, a State Convention to be held on the 2d May, was recommended to form a Union party.

The assault on Fort Sumter made no changes in the Governor's views. He still contended that Maryland should maintain the same position of devotion to the Union and the Constitution that she had held throughout this period of national trouble. Secession was no remedy for any wrongs complained of, and in the case of Maryland especially would be an aggravation of them all, with the accompaniment of civil strife among her own citizens, bringing ruin to all her varied commercial and agricultural interests. The election for members of Congress would give a fair opportunity for a test of the sentiment of the State on the question of secession, and there was no doubt that it. would be conducted on the issue of "Union" or "Disunion."

To the proclamation of the President and the requisition for a quota of troops from Maryland, the Governor replied by stating the position of affairs in the State, and issued the following proclamation:

To the People of Maryland:

The unfortunate state of affairs now existing in the country has greatly excited the people of Maryland.

In consequence of our peculiar position it is not to be expected that the people of this State can unanimously agree upon the best mode of preserving the honor and integrity of the Staf6. and of maintaining within her limits that peace so earnestly desired by all good citizens.

The emergency is great the consequences of a rash step will be fearful. It is the imperative duty of every true son of Maryland to do all that can tend to arrest the threatened evil.

I therefore counsel the people, in all earnestness, to withhold their hands from whatever may tend to precipitate us into the gulf of discord and ruin gaping to receive us. I counsel the people to abstain from all heated controversy upon the subject; to avoid nil things that tend to crimination and recrimination; to believe that the origin of our evil day may well be forgotten now by every patriot in the earnest desire to avert from us its fruit.

 All powers vested in the Governor of the State will be strenuously exerted to preserve the peace and maintain inviolate the honor and integrity of Maryland.

I call upon the people to obey the laws, and to aid the constituted authorities in their endeavors to preserve the fair fame of our State untarnished.

I assure the people that no troops will be sent from Maryland, unless it may be for the defence of the National Capital.

It is my intention in the future, as it has been my endeavor in the past, to preserve the people of Maryland from civil war; and I invoke the assistance of every true and loyal citizen to aid me to this and.

The people of this State will, in a short time, have the opportunity afforded them in a special election for members of the Congress of the United States to express their devotion to the Union or their desire to so it broken up.

THOMAS H. HICKS,

Governor of Maryland. Baltimore,

April 18, 1861. The exciting events at Baltimore on the l9th of April, produced greater impression in the neighborhood of that city than elsewhere in the State. (See Baltimore.) The object of the Governor was to gain time. He had thus far opposed a session of the Legislature, under a conviction that a majority of the members were in favor of secession, and desired to place the State in antagonism to the Federal Government. Under the excitement produced by the events at Baltimore, the Senator from that county, Coleman Gellott, after advising with the Board of Police Commissioners, and being instigated by the more prominent secessionists, issued, without a shadow of lawful authority, a proclamation for an assembling of the Legislature at Baltimore. That would have placed that body in the midst of the largest and most Page 445 active portion of the secessionists of the State. Speaking of this state of affairs at a subsequent day, the Governor said:

"I knew it was time for me to act. True, I might then have called upon the President of the United States to quell the insurrection, but this would almost certainly have caused the destruction of the city of Baltimore. I might have called out the militia to endeavor to restore quiet; and, indeed, I did make an effort to that end. But I discovered that nearly all the officers were in league with the conspirators, and the volunteer corps of the city and vicinity which possessed arms were almost entirely in the same category. It is true, there was a considerable loyal military force in Baltimore, but it was undisciplined, and entirely unarmed. So that if I had effectively called out the militia at that time, I should have actually assisted the conspirators in their designs. I concluded, therefore, after anxious deliberation, that there was but one course left to me. I summoned the Legislature to assemble at Frederick City, in the midst of a loyal population, on the 26th day of April, believing that even the few days thus gained would be invaluable."

An election was immediately held in the city of Baltimore for members of this Legislature. Only one ticket was nominated. This received about 9,200 votes. The vote of the city at the Presidential election was 30,150.

On the 26th this body assembled at Frederick. The Governor, in his Message, briefly described the recent events which had taken place in the State, and his own action in connection with them. He said:

Believing it to be the design of the Administration to pass over our soil troops for the defence of the City of Washington, arid fearing that the passage of such troops would excite our people and provoke a collision, I labored earnestly to induce the President to forego his purpose. I waited upon him in person, and urged the importance of my request. I subsequently communicated with him and his Cabinet by special despatches, intreating an abandonment of bis designs. To all my requests I could get but the reply that Washington was threatened with attack; that the Government had resolved to defend it: that there was no other way of obtaining troops than by passing them over the soil of Maryland, and that the military necessity of the case rendered it impossible for the Government to abandon its plans, much as it desired to avoid the dangers of a collision. My correspondence with the authorities at Washington is therewith submitted. The consequences are known to you. 0» Friday last a detachment of troops from Massachusetts reached Baltimore, and was attacked by an irresponsible mob, and several persons on both sides were killed. The Mayor and Police Board gave to the Massachusetts soldiers all the protection they could afford, acting with the utmost promptness and bravery. But they were powerless to restrain the mob. Being in Baltimore at the time, I cooperated with the Mayor to the fullest extent of my power in his efforts. The military of the city were ordered out to assist in the preservation of the peace. The railroad companies were requested bv the Mayor and myself to transport no more troops to Baltimore City, and they promptly acceded to our request. Hearing of the attack upon the soldiers, the War Department issued orders that no more troops would pass through Baltimore City, provided they were allowed to pass outside its limits. Subsequently a detachment of troops were ascertained to be encamped at or near Cockeysville, in Baltimore County. On being informed of this, the War Department ordered them back. Before leaving Baltimore, Colonel Huger, who was in command of the United States arsenal at Pikesville, informed me that he had resigned his commission. Being advised of the probability that the mob might attempt the destruction of this property, and thereby complicate our difficulties with the authorities at Washington, I ordered Colonel Petherbridge to proceed with sufficient force and occupy the premises in the name of the United States Government, of which proceeding I immediately notified the War Department. On Sunday morning last I discovered that a detachment of troops, under command of Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, had reached Annapolis in a steamer, and taken possession of the practice-ship Constitution, which during that day they succeeded in getting outside of the harbor of Annapolis, where she now lies. After getting the ship off, the steamer laid outside the harbor, and was soon joined by another steamer having on board the Seventh regiment, from New York City. Brigadier-General Butler addressed me, asking for permission to land his forces. It will be seen from the correspondence herewith submitted, that I refused my consent. The Mayor of Annapolis also protested. But both steamers soon afterwards landed and put off with the troops. Subsequently other large bodies of troops reached here in transports, and were landed. I was notified that the troops were to be marched to Washington. They desired to go without obstruction from our people, but they had orders to go to Washington, and were determined to obey those orders. In furtherance of their designs they took military possession of the Annapolis and Elk Ridge Railroad, m regard to which act I forwarded to Brigadier-General Butler the protest, and see the reply herewith submitted. On Wednesday morning the two detachments landed, and took up the line of march for Washington. The people of Annapolis, though greatly exasperated, acting under counsel of the most prudent citizens, refrained from molesting or obstructing the passage of the troops through the city. Seriously impressed with the condition of affairs, and anxious to avoid a repetition of events similar to those which had transpired in Baltimore, I deemed it my duty to make another appeal at Washington. Accordingly, I sent a special messenger to Washington, with a despatch to the Administration, advising that no more troops be sent through Maryland; that the troops at Annapolis be sent elsewhere, and urging that a truce be offered with a view of a peaceful settlement of existing difficulties by meditation. I suggested that Lord Lyons, the British Minister, be requested to act as mediator between the contending parties. These events have satisfied me that the War Department has concluded to make Annapolis the point for landing troops, and has resolved to open and maintain communication between this place and Washington. In the brief time allowed, it is impossible for me to go more into detail. I shall promptly communicate such other information as may reach me.

Notwithstanding the fact that our most learned and intelligent citizens admit the right of the Government to transport its troops across our soil, it is evident that a portion of the people of Maryland are opposed to the exercise of that right. I have done all in my power to protect the citizens of Maryland, and to preserve peace within our borders. Lawless occurrences will be defeated, I fear, unless prompt action be taken by you. It is my duty to advise you of my own convictions of the proper course to be pursued by Maryland in the emergency which is upon us. It is of no consequence now to discuss the causes which have induced our troubles. Let us look to our distressing present and to our portentous future. The fate of Maryland, and perhaps of her sister border slave States, will undoubtedly be seriously affected by the action of your honorable body. Therefore should every good citizen bend all his energies to the task before us, and therefore Page 446 should the animosities and bickerings of the past be forgotten, and all strike hands in the bold cause of restoring peace to our State and to our country. I honestly and most earnestly entertain the conviction that the "only safety of Maryland lies in preserving a neutral position between our brethren of the North and of the South. We have violated no right of either section. We have been loyal to the Union. The unhappy contest between the two sections has not been commenced or encouraged by us, although we have suffered from it in the past. The impending war has not come by any act or any wish of ours. We have done all we could to "avert it. We have hoped that Maryland and other border slave States, by their conservative position and love for the Union, might have acted as mediators between the extremes, of both sections, and thus have prevented the terrible evils of a prolonged civil war.

The majority of the Committee on Federal Relations, to whom had been referred a memorial of 216 voters of Prince George's County, praying the Legislature, if in its judgment it possesses the power, to pass an ordinance of secession without delay, reported that in their judgment the Legislature did not possess the power to pass such an ordinance, and that the prayer of the said memorialists cannot therefore be granted. The minority reported favorably to the prayer of the petitioners. On the question to substitute the minority report for that of the majority, it was rejected; ayes, 13—noes, 53. This was considered as settling the question against any constitutional power on the part of the Legislature to pass an act of secession.

The change in public sentiment was very rapid. Soon after the disturbances in Baltimore, the determination became strong to stand by the Government and its laws, without meaning thereby to endorse the President or his policy. The 13th of June was designated by the Governor as the day for the election of the members of Congress to represent the State at the extra session.

The Commissioners appointed by the Legislature to wait upon President Lincoln, submitted a report to that body on the 6th of May, in which, after stating that they were courteously received by the President, and had represented to him the sense of the Legislature of Maryland in relation to the occupation of a portion of the soil of that State by the Federal troops, they proceed to say:

"Full explanations were exchanged between the undersigned and the Secretary of War and Secretary of State, who were present, and participated in the discussion, as to the facts and circumstances that rendered necessary the extraordinary incidents accompanying the passage of Federal troops through Maryland en route to the city of Washington, and especially in reference to those acts of the authorities of the city of Baltimore which arrested the progress of the troops by the railroads leading from Pennsylvania and Delaware into Maryland, and of the opposition to the landing of the troops subsequently at Annapolis by the Governor of the State. And in connection with this action of the authorities of the State, the hostile feeling manifested by the people to the passage of these troops through Maryland was considered and treated with entire frankness by the undersigned, who, while acknowledging all the legal obligations of the State to the Federal Government, set forth fully the strength of sympathy felt by a large portion of our people for our Southern brethren in the present crisis. Although many of the incidents and circumstances referred to, were regarded in different lights by the undersigned and the Federal Government, even to the extent of a difference of opinion as to some of the facts involved, yet in regard to the general principle at issue, a concurrence of opinion was reached. The President concurred with the undersigned in the opinion that so long as Maryland had not taken, and was not about taking, a hostile attitude to the Federal Government, that the exclusive military occupation of her ways of communication, and the seizure of the property of her citizens, would be without justification; and what has been referred to in this connection, so far as it occurred, was treated by the Government as an act of necessity and self-preservation. "The undersigned did not feel themselves authorized to enter into any arrangements with the Federal Government, to induce it to change its relations to the State of Maryland, considering it proper, under the circumstances, .to leave the entire discretion and responsibility of the existing state of things to that Government, making such representations as they deemed proper, to vindicate the moral and legal aspects of the question, and especially insisting on its obligation to relieve the State promptly from restraint and indignity, and to abstain from all action in the transportation of troops that can be regarded as intended for chastisement or prompted by resentment.

"The undersigned are not able to indicate to what extent or to what degree the Executive discretion will be exercised in modifying the relations which exist between the State of Maryland and the Federal Government, and in the particular matter of the commercial communications between the city of Baltimore and other parts of the country, brought to the attention of the General Assembly by the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore. But they feel authorized to express the opinion that some modification may bo expected."

In the Legislature, stay laws were passed, also an act to relieve the Governor and Mayor of Baltimore, and all acting under their orders, from prosecutions, on and after the 19th of April.

The Governor replied to a call for information by the Legislature, "if he consented to or authorized the burning of the bridges on the Baltimore and Harrisburg, and Baltimore and Philadelphia Railroads," that he "neither authorized nor consented to the destruction of the bridges, but left the whole matter in the hands of the Mayor of the city of Baltimore, with the declaration that he had no authority in the premises; I was a lover of law and order, and Page 447 could not participate in such proceedings." The Mayor of Baltimore stated that the assent of the Governor was unequivocal; to this is added certificates of the Marshal and Police Commissioners.

The House passed, by vote of ayes 43, noes 12, a series of strong resolutions, condemning the war and the military occupation of the State.

On the 14th both Houses adjourned, to meet again in the city of Frederick, on the 4th of June. They previously adopted, as a compromise, a resolution providing for a committee of eight members, (four from each House,) to visit the President of the United States and the President of the Southern Confederacy, and to lay before them the report of resolutions of the Committee of the Legislature on Federal Relations. The manner in which this committee discharged their duties was reported at the next session. On the 5th of June, the four members of the committee on the part of the House, submitted their report, in which they say:

"The manifest purpose of those resolutions was, in the opinion of your committee, to secure, if possible, through the instrumentality of Maryland, peace to our disturbed country; and if failing in that, then a cessation of hostilities on the part of the armies of the Federal and Confederate troops until Congress should express its opinion on the subjects which now agitate the people. The purposes being defeated by the movement of Federal troops in Virginia, and an actual commencement of hostilities, we have considered our mission as ended, and therefore have not felt authorized, on the part of the sovereign State of Maryland, to present a request which has in advance been repudiated. The dignity of the State as well as self-respect seemed to demand this of us."

The Commissioners appointed to visit President Davis, received from him a letter. (See Confederate States.)

Nothing was done to make any change in the state of affairs at this session. The movement of Virginia State troops to Harper's Ferry and upon the Maryland side of the river, led to the concentration of Union forces in their neighborhood. A kind of border warfare took place, which, although not marked by 'any large or vigorous skirmishes, was, nevertheless, for months destructive to the peace and prosperity of the inhabitants. Forces moved from Chambersburg, in Pennsylvania, to the neighborhood of Harper's Ferry. Western troops, under General McCLellan, with many brilliant skirmishes, advanced to Cumberland. The transportation of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad was entirely suspended, and great destruction was made of their property. This state of affairs continued throughout the year.

When the destruction of the railroad and of the Chesapeake canal property commenced, the principal officer of the latter corporation visited the Confederate camp at Harper's Ferry, to endeavor to stop it. He reached Dam No. 4, near Williamsport, while a skirmish was going on between the Marylanders and the Virginians —the latter endeavoring to destroy the dam, and the former to defend it. He crossed the river under a flag of truce, and demanded to be taken to Harper's Ferry. An escort of twelve men was furnished, who conducted him to General Johnston, the commander of the Confederate forces. He remonstrated against the destruction of the dams, boats, and other property of the company, claiming that they were the property of Marylanders, and should be exempt from seizure and destruction. General Johnston replied that his orders were positive to destroy all property that could in any way be made to benefit the United States forces, and that it was useless to talk of the property belonging to Maryland. He should therefore obey his instructions, and destroy every thing that he could reach.

The election for members of Congress, early in June, was a complete triumph for the friends of the Union. Not an advocate of the Southern Confederacy was elected throughout the State.

The movement of troops, as already stated, from Chambersburg, in Pennsylvania, towards Harper's Ferry, took place early in June, and on the 18th, the force arrived at Hagerstown and Williamsport, comprising the Pennsylvania First, Second, Third, Seventh, Eleventh, Thirteenth, and Twenty-fourth Regiments, together with the First Rhode Island, two regiments of U. S. Regulars, and seven hundred U. S. Cavalry. The next day, a division of the troops under General Cadwallader was ordered across the Potomac, and pressed forward towards Martinsburg.

The Legislature continued to hold short sessions, adjourning from time to time. At the session ending June 25, an effort had been made to pass an act of amnesty for the benefit of those who participated in the riot of April 19th. The following is a section of this act:

Sec. 1. Be it enacted by the General Assembly of Maryland, That all the courts, public officers, mid Grand Jury, are hereby forbidden to prosecute or punish any person concerned in the aforesaid affray with the soldiers in the City of Baltimore on the 19th of April last, or for any offence arising from or growing out of said affray, or in any way connected therewith.

It failed to pass. A joint resolution was, however, passed, directing the Governor to return the State arms to the companies that he had disarmed, also a bill to suspend proceedings on the bonds of officers of companies for the return of arms.

The Legislature again assembled, after adjournment, on the 31st of July. In the Senate a preamble and resolution was offered setting forth that, in view of the almost unanimous declaration of Congress, that the present war was not being waged to subjugate the South, but only to assert the supremacy of the Constitution, the people of Maryland ought not to heed the Page 448 intemperate declarations of a few members, but ought to maintain the position of the State in the Union, and should discountenance rebellion in all its forms. This proposition was laid over.

No measures of importance to the State were adopted, nor did the session serve any other purpose than tend to keep alive the spirit of dissatisfaction. An adjournment soon took place until the 17th of September. The session was prevented at that time by the military arrest of some secession members of the House, (see Habeas Corpus,) and the refusal of the Senate to assemble. This high proceeding of arresting by military force, members of a legislative body, would, at any other time and under any other circumstances, have been regarded as a most flagrant offence. In this case, the Union members were doubtless gratified, and returned to their homes, while public sentiment had inclined to the side of peace and Union. None, therefore, espoused the cause of the prisoners.

The views of the President at the time, relative to these arrests, were understood to the to the following effect:

"The public safety renders it necessary that the grounds of these arrests should at present be withheld, hut at the proper time they will be made public. Of one thing the people of Maryland may rest assured: that no arrest has been made, or will be made, not based on substantial and unmistakable complicity with those in armed rebellion against the Government of the United States. In no case has an arrest been made on mere suspicion, or through personal or partisan animosities, but in all cases the Government is in possession of tangible and unmistakable evidence, which will, when made public, be satisfactory to every loyal citizen."

The usual State election for Governor took place on the 6th of November. A Union candidate and a State rights candidate were offered for the choice of the voters, when the former was elected by an unusually large majority, and the candidates of similar views, for other voices, wore elected by about the same majority. This was regarded as such an overwhelming victory for the Union, that all open movements of sympathy for the Confederate States ceased.

The Governor then issued a proclamation, calling the Legislature of the State to assemble in extra session, at Annapolis, on the 3d of December. In his proclamation he said, that "as the people of the State had at their recent election again expressed their unalterable devotion to the Union and the Government of our fathers, it is important that the Legislature should, as speedily as possible, conform to and carry into effect the will of the people so expressed, by furnishing all necessary aid to the Government of the United States in its efforts to suppress the unholy insurrection that seeks the dissolution of that Union and the destruction of that Government." He therefore called this extra session, "to consider and determine the steps necessary to be taken to enable the State of Maryland to take her place with the other loyal States, in defence of the Constitution and Union."

This newly elected Legislature assembled at Frederick, on the 3d of December. The Governor, Hicks, in his final Message, delivered on the same day, presents an explicit statement of affairs in the State during the year. The action of the last Legislature is thus described:

The history of that Legislature is before the country. Not only did it fail to do its duty, as representing a loyal State, but it actually passed treasonable resolutions, and attempted to take, unlawfully, into its hands both the purse and the sword, whereby it might plunge us into the vortex of secession. It was deterred from doing this latter only by the unmistakable threats of an aroused and indignant people.

Restricted in the duration of its sessions by nothing but the will of the majority of its members, it met again and again; squandered the people's money, and made itself a mockery before the country. This continued until the General Government had ample reason to believe it was about to go through the farce of enacting an ordinance of secession; when the treason was summarily stopped bv the dispersion of the traitors.

Inasmuch as the Legislature in ordinary times is presumed to represent the people of a State, the treasonable action of the late Senate and House of Delegates has apparently placed Maryland in an attitude of hostility to the General Government, and her Union loving people in a false and unwarrantable position. I say apparently, because the votes of the people on the 13tn of June, and again on the 6th of November, have declared in the most emphatic tones, what I have never doubted, that Maryland has no sympathy with rebellion, and desires to do her full share in the duty of suppressing it.

Under the tax bill passed at the session of Congress in July, the proportion of Maryland was $436,000, which it was proposed that the State should assume.

In consequence of the omission of the Legislature, to provide money to pay the expense of recruiting and equipping the quota of troops required from the State by the Federal Government, that number was not raised.

Although a portion of the northwestern part of the State was occupied by Federal troops after the month of June, yet the Governor, in his Message, says:

"I congratulate yon, and the people of the State, upon the immunity we have enjoyed from the dreadful evils which have fallen upon some of the other States. While carnage and desolation have stalked through Virginia, Kentucky, and Missouri, wo hero, in Maryland, have had no battle-fields, no wanton destruction of homes, no outrages upon helpless women and children. True, in every section of the State, rancor and deadly hatred, and in some cases even judicial persecution, have been openly indulged against those whose only offence is loyalty to the Government. But this hatred, bitterness, and persecution have not yet culminated in bloodshed. The tread of hostile armies has not interfered with the calling of the husbandman, but the earth has yielded more bountifully than ever before."

The only invasion of Maryland which took place, from the Confederate States, was made Page 449 by the first Virginia troops which marched to Harper's Ferry. This force crossed the Potomac and took a position on the heights on the Maryland side. A protest was immediately made by Governor Hicks to Governor Letcher, of Virginia, and the troops were at once ordered to withdraw to the Virginia side of the Potomac.

The commercial affairs of the State suffered the same embarrassment and decline which prevailed through all the Northern States.

ANNAPOLIS, the capital of Maryland, is situated on the right bank of the Severn River, two miles above its entrance into Chesapeake Bay. It is twenty-five miles south by east of Baltimore, and thirty-seven miles east by north of Washington. The Annapolis and Elkridge Branch Railroad connects it with the Baltimore and Washington Railroad, at a spot called the Junction. The United States Naval Academy was established hero in 1845. After the attack at Baltimore on the Massachusetts Sixth Regiment, on the 19th of April, the troops then on their way to Washington were brought from Perryville by water, to Annapolis, and thence by railroad to the Junction, thus passing around Baltimore. When the order was sent from Baltimore, amid the exciting scenes of the 19th, to stop the progress of more troops towards that city, General Benjamin F. Butler, with a Massachusetts regiment numbering eight hundred men, then on his way to Washington, stopped at Havre-de-Grace, and taking the steam ferry-boat Maryland, reached Annapolis on the morning of the 21st. Governor Hicks sent a protest against the landing of the troops at Annapolis. To this General Butler replied that he would laud at the Naval Academy, over which the Federal Government had exclusive jurisdiction. At the same time, the New York Seventh Regiment arrived by another boat from Perryville. There was now no communication by railroad with Washington. Some part of the track between Annapolis and the Junction had been torn up by disaffected inhabitants along the line. The Seventh Regiment proceeded on foot to the Junction, and thence by railroad to Washington. General Butler, with a force from his regiment, took possession of the frigate Constitution, attached to the Naval School, and removed her beyond the danger of seizure by those sympathizing with the Confederate Government. A consultation of officers was held at the Naval School on the 23d, and it was determined that the passage of troops through Maryland to the city of Washington should be conducted in such a manner as to give no cause of offence to the people of the State, and that nothing should be taken without prompt pay. Should the people, however, destroy the bridges, make a hostile attack, or offer any interruption to the troops, it should immediately be resented, and with proper severity.

The officers of the Seventh Regiment of New York conversed freely with the citizens of Annapolis and some from Baltimore, in relation to what they deemed the unexpected and inexplicable course of Maryland. They anticipated no hostile reception in Maryland, where each man claimed to have many intimate personal friends. "If, in the performance of duty," they added, "we shall be compelled to meet our old friends of the Baltimore City Guard and the Richmond Grays in hostile array, we shall return their first fire by presenting arms; but on the second fire we shall be compelled to defend ourselves."

 On the 23d there were over 2,000 troops in the city, and on the same day 8,000 more arrived from New York and Pennsylvania. A detachment of the Massachusetts Volunteers, on the same day, took possession of the railroad leading from Annapolis to Washington and Baltimore. No resistance was offered; as soon as the demand was made, the gates were thrown open to them; and, after placing fifty men on guard, the remainder began to repair the engines and cars which had been disarranged by the company in order to prevent the troops from using them. In a few hours this object was accomplished, and a train run out by an engineer in one of the volunteer companies. Fifty men were detached to proceed in advance and examine the track, which resulted in finding that at various places it had been taken up. The damages were entirely repaired, the track put in working order, and the forwarding of troops and provisions commenced.

After these events the city relapsed into her former quiet condition.

BALTIMORE is the principal city of Maryland, having in 1860 a population of 212,418. It is situated on a small bay or estuary Which extends about two and a half miles inland from the north side of Patapsco river, about twelve miles from its entrance into Chesapeake Bay. It is about two hundred miles by ship channel from the ocean, and thirty-eight miles by railroad northeast from Washington, and ninety-eight miles southwest from Philadelphia. Its central position and admirable situation has made it a place of large trade with the Northern and Southern States. Possessing slaves like the Southern States, the citizens were nevertheless quiet spectators of the agitations in the extreme North and South. A handful of votes were cast in favor of Mr. Lincoln for President, but the sentiment of the people assimilated rather with that of Virginia, on the South, than with Pennsylvania, on the North.

A public meeting was held on the evening of the 19th of December to listen to an address from A. II. Handy, the Commissioner sent to Maryland by the State of Mississippi. His view of the object of the seceding States was thus presented to the meeting: "Secession is not intended to break up the present Government, but to perpetuate it. Our plan is for the Southern States to withdraw from the Union for the present, to allow amendments to the Constitution to be made, guaranteeing our just rights; and if the Northern States will not make these amendments, by which these rights shall be secured to us, then we must secure them the best way we can. This question of slavery must be settled now or never. Many remedies have failed, we must try amputation to bring it to a healthy state. We must have amendments to the Constitution, and if we cannot get them we must set np for ourselves." This was followed in a few days by movements for a Union meeting. At the preliminary meeting, for completing the arrangements, Archibald Sterling, upon taking the chair, made this pithy address: "Gentlemen, I thank you for the honor you have done me. I cannot hesitate when my countrymen call on me at such a time as this, for I hold every thing I possess, property, family, and life, of slight value when compared with country; and I consider the maintenance of its Union as our only safeguard." The meeting which ensued upon the completion of these arrangements, was one of the most impressive and influential assemblages convened in Baltimore for political purposes. The Union and Major Anderson were greatly cheered, and the word "secession" appeared to be very repugnant to the feelings of the assemblage.

The following, one of a large number of resolutions passed, is expressive of the position of those present:

Resolved, That the present condition of our country demands of all who love her a spirit of fairness, of candor, of conciliation, of concession, and of self-sacrifice; and that we hail with thankful and hopeful hearts the patriotic efforts now being made in Congress for the settlement, as we trust forever, of the dangerous questions at Issue, on some constitutional, just, and equitable principle; and that such of our statesmen and States, whether of the North or of the South, as may contribute most to this holy end, will challenge the highest place in the affections of our country; and those who may refuse to lend their aid to this holy purpose may justly expect, as they will be sure to receive, the condemnation and reprobation of the present, as well as of future ages.

The city, however, remained an inactive spectator of the progress of events, until the attack upon Fort Sumter. The excitement then aroused was most intense, and efforts were made by the friends of the seceded States to turn it to their benefit, and even, if possible, secure the secession of Maryland. Through Baltimore passed the only line of railway from the North and East to Washington. New England, New York, New Jersey, and Eastern Pennsylvania, in response to the President's proclamation, might arm every man for the defence of Washington; but, as the only line of communication by land was through Baltimore and Maryland, an obstruction hero might delay their progress until forces from the South seized the National city. Apprehensions of disturbance upon the passage of troops through the city for Washington were excited. On the 18th of April the Marshal of Police issued his orders to cause a vigilant eye to bo kept on all persons attempting to incite riot or disorder, and to have them followed and arrested. He also received from the officers of the "State-Right Association" the most solemn pledge that no demonstration would be made against the Federal troops expected to pass through the city. He said, "the peace of Baltimore will be maintained at all hazards."

The Mayor of the city issued a proclamation invoking all good citizens to uphold and maintain the peace and good order of the city, and to refrain from the expression of sentiments that might have an irritating effect.

On the 19th, a body of troops from the North were expected to arrive by the Philadelphia and Baltimore Railroad. At the depot a crowd of two or three thousand persons gathered. Soon after 11 o'clock in the forenoon, the train from Philadelphia, comprising twenty-nine cars, arrived. Without disembarking the soldiers from the train, horses were attached to the several cars, which were drawn along Pratt street to the Camden station. Six cars were permitted to pass without any particular disturbance except hooting and yelling. The horses attached to the seventh car becoming restive, were detached, and the car moved without their aid nearly to Gay street, where a body of laborers were engaged in repairing the bed of the street, and for this purpose removing the cobble stones.

Some thirty or forty men assembled at this point, having followed the car from the depot, and with cheers for President Davis and the Southern Confederacy, hurled bitter taunts at the Northern Black Republicans, as they termed them. The troops remained in perfect silence.

Page 56 This continued for several minutes, when, as the horses were again attached and the car moved off, it was proposed to stone it. Before the car had gone twenty yards, almost every window therein was broken to pieces, and a portion of the crowd followed a considerable distance hurling paving-stones. The eighth car was treated in the same manner, but the ninth car, apparently being empty, or at least no person being visible except the driver of the team, escaped with only one stone thrown.

The tenth car was observed approaching from Pratt street bridge, when a number of persons, seizing the picks in the hands of the laborers, made an ineffectual effort to tear up the track. Finding that they could not succeed, as a last resort they took up the paving-stones, and threw them on the track, almost covering it from observation. They also dumped a cart-load of sand on the bed of the track, placing also four or five large anchors thereon, having bodily removed them from the sidewalk. This being accomplished, they, with loud hurrahs, dared the troops to come on; but the latter, observing the posture of affairs, deemed it more prudent to turn back to the President street depot.

Mayor Brown hastened to the President street depot, and endeavored to prevent any disturbance. At this point there still remained upwards of twenty cars filled with the troops, and five or six cars which had been used for the reception of ammunition, baggage, &c.

After the lapse of a quarter of an hour, the command was given for the troops to disembark and form on the outside. While forming, they were surrounded by a dense mass of people, who impeded their march, up President street by every possible means. Stones were thrown in great numbers. At Fawn street two of the soldiers were knocked down by stones and greatly injured.

After the cars had been checked and returned to the depot, as above stated, the military formed and prepared to march through the city.

From the President street depot to Pratt street bridge they were pursued by the excited crowd, who continued to hurl stones, and, it is stated, fired at them with muskets, &c. Mayor Brown had put himself at the head of the column, with a strong body of police. The soldiers continued on up Pratt street over the bridge, where several more were badly injured by the stones thrown at the rear ranks. They 'came along at a brisk pace, and when they reached Market Space, an immense concourse of people closed in behind them and commenced stoning them. 

When they reached Gay street, where the track had been torn up, a large crowd of men armed with paving-stones showered them on their heads with such force that several of them were knocked down in the ranks. These, after lying a few moments crawled on their hands and knees into some of the stores on Pratt street. After they fell there was no further attack made on them, and those thus wounded were taken to apothecary stores for medical attendance.

At the corner of South and Pratt streets a man fired a pistol into the ranks of the military, when those in the rear ranks immediately .wheeled and fired upon their assailants, and several were wounded. The guns of the soldiers that had fallen wounded were seized, and fired upon the ranks with fatal effect in two instances.

After they reached Calvert street they succeeded in checking their pursuers by a rapid fire, which brought down two or three, and they were not much molested until they reached Howard street, where another large crowd was assembled. Some stones were thrown at them, but their guns were not loaded, and they passed on through the dense crowd down Howard street towards the depot.

The scene on Pratt street, as stated, was of a startling character. The wounded soldiers, three in number, were taken up carefully and carried to places of safety by the citizens along the street.

The rear portion of the troops received the brunt of the attack of the assailants. The paving-stones were dashed with great force against their backs and heads, and marching thus in close ranks, they were unable to effectually defend themselves. "When they did turn and fire, it was without halt, and being thus massed together, their shots took effect mostly on innocent spectators who were standing on the pavement. They stood the assault with stones without resistance, the entire distance from the President street depot until they reached the vicinity of South street, and then fired obliquely on to the pavements, rather than turning on their assailants. The police did their utmost to protect the troops from assault, and partially succeeded until they reached Gay street, where the crowd, armed with paving-stones, were collected. They rushed in between the police and the rear ranks, driving them back, and separating them from the military. After the firing commenced, the assaulting party dispersed, and for the balance of the route there was no attack upon them. The four soldiers who fell wounded in the street, were struck down between Gay and Calvert streets, where the fiercest of the attack was made on them. The troops composed the Sixth regiment of Massachusetts Infantry, commanded by Colonel E. F. Jones, in all eleven companies, with an aggregate of eight hundred and sixty men, rank and file.

It was about half-past twelve o'clock when the train left the Camden station. A few minutes afterwards, a discharge of firearms attracted the attention of the crowd to the corner of Pratt and Howard streets, where a body of infantry from one of the Northern States, about one hundred and fifty strong, were seen rapidly approaching the depot, and no doubt anxious to reach the cars.

The excitement now was beyond description, and a man displaying the flag of the Confederate Page 57 States seemed to be the rallying point of the disaffected people. Some of these assaulted the command with stones, when a number of the latter discharged their muskets. At least twenty shots were fired, but it happily proved that no person was injured. There seemed to be but little discipline among the troops, especially as they rushed along pell-mell. "Whilst they were entering the cars a crowd of young men gave them several volleys of bricks and stones, some of which demolished the windows of the cars, whereupon three or four of the privates pointed their muskets through the car windows and fired, but no one was injured.

The baggage and munitions, in two cars, were seized by the crowd, but rescued by the police. Other troops were sent back to the borders of the State by orders of Governor Hicks. The military of the city were called out, and quiet was restored at evening. Among the killed was Robert "W. Davis, a member of a mercantile firm, and a person held in high esteem by a large circle of friends and acquaintances. Nine citizens of Baltimore were killed, and many wounded. Twenty-five of the wounded Massachusetts troops were sent to the "Washington hospital.

During the night following a report prevailed that more Northern troops were approaching by the Northern Central Railway. It was immediately resolved to destroy the bridges nearest the city, on both the Northern roads ending in Baltimore. The bridge at Canton was thus destroyed, and two bridges between Cockeysville and Ashland; also the bridges over Little Gunpowder and Bush rivers. This was ordered to be done by the authorities of Baltimore. Upon a representation of the events to President Lincoln, he ordered that" no more troops should be brought through Baltimore, if, in a military point of view, and without interruption or opposition, they can bo marched around Baltimore."

The public mind continued in a feverish state from the excitement of Friday, when unfounded reports that Northern troops were approaching the city, aroused a most indescribable tumult, like ten thousand people bereft of reason. The error of the rumors becoming finally known, peace and order were restored.

The transmission of the mails, and the removal of provisions from the city, however, were suspended by the orders of the Mayor and Board of Police. Four car loads of military stores, clothing, tents, and other army equipments, sufficient for the accommodation of a thousand men, and the property of the Government, were thus detained. On the 24th, the city presented much the appearance of a military camp. The number of volunteers there enlisted, was put as high as 25,000. Large quantities of provisions were seized, and its departure from the city stopped. About four hundred picked men left the city for the Relay House, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, for the purpose of seizing and holding that important strategic point. They were followed by a force of about two hundred men, having with them four fieldpieces and an abundance of ammunition. It was the intention of the military authorities to concentrate there about 1,200 men. The object of the seizure was to cut off the communication of the Pennsylvanians with "Washington by that route.

The troops at Cockeysville were removed to York, Pennsylvania.

Immediately upon the departure of the train, the authorities of Baltimore County despatched a body of armed men to follow in the rear, and destroy the bridges, which they did; burning all the bridges, large and small, from Ashland to the Maryland line, with one exception, the "Big Gunpowder Bridge."

The turnpike from Ashland to York was literally black with vehicles of every description, containing whole families from Baltimore, who were hurrying to the country. A great many strangers were also proceeding to Pennsylvania, for the purpose of getting into the more Northern States.

Unparalleled as was the excitement in Baltimore, after one week quiet was not only restored, but a counter-revolution took place, which by its mere moral force reestablished the control of reason and judgment.

On the 5th of May, the volunteer militia were dismissed by the authorities.

On the 10th of May, thirteen hundred troops landed near Fort McHenry from transports, and were thence transferred by trains to Washington.

The Board of Police Commissioners had at noon detailed a large police force, who were present at Locust Point, and acted with great efficiency, under the direction of Marshal Kane. The Board of Commissioners were present in person, as also the Mayor. Few spectators were present at Locust Point, but the wharves on the city side were filled with persons, who quietly looked on the scene of the disembarkation, which was very tedious, and was not concluded until between six and seven o'clock in the evening. The troops were Sherman's Battery, five companies of the Third Infantry from Texas, and a Pennsylvania Regiment.

On the 5th of May, the United States Volunteers under the command of General Butler, had taken possession of the Relay House on the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad, and proceeded to fortify their position. Subsequently, on the 13th, he moved a portion of his troops to Baltimore. It soon became known in the city, and a number of people went to the Camden station to witness the arrival.

About half-past seven o'clock a long train came, containing a portion of the troops. They disembarked in good order, and marched from the depot down Lee street and other streets to Federal Hill, and, moving to the high ground surrounding the Observatory, stacked arms, and made preparations for a long rest.

The force under command of General Butler was composed of a portion of the Boston Light Artillery, Major Cook; a strong detachment Page 58 of the Sixth Massachusetts Regiment, Colonel Jones, and about five hundred of the Eighth New York Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Waltenburg.

On the route to the Hill the streets were thronged with people, who greeted the military with cheers at every step, the ladies at the windows and the doors joining in the applause by waving their handkerchiefs.

Thus quietly was military possession taken of the city of Baltimore. On the next day considerable reënforcements arrived.

On the same day, the commanding General issued a proclamation to the citizens. lie thus states his object in inarching troops within the city:

                    Department op Annapolis,

            Federal Hill, Baltimore, May 14, 1861.

A detachment of the forces of the Federal Government under my command have occupied the city of Baltimore for the purpose, among other things, of enforcing respect and obedience to laws as well of the State, if requested thereto by the civil authorities, as of the United States—laws which are being violated within its limits by some malignant and traitorous men—and in order to testify the acceptance by the Federal Government of the fact that the city and all the well-intentioned portion of its inhabitants arc loyal to the Union and the Constitution, and are to be so regarded and treated by all. To the end, therefore, that all misunderstanding of the purposes of the Government may be prevented, and to set at rest all unfounded, false, and seditious rumors, to relieve all apprehensions, if any are felt by the well-disposed portion of the community, and to make it thoroughly understood by all traitors, their aiders and abettors, that their rebellious acts must cease, I hereby, by the authority vested in me as commander of the department of Annapolis, of which the city of Baltimore forms a part, do now command and make known that no loyal and well-disposed citizen will be disturbed in his lawful occupation or business; that private property will not be interfered with by the men under my command, or allowed to be interfered with by others, except in so far as it may be used or be in course of preparation to be used to afford aid and comfort to those in rebellion against the Government, whether here or elsewhere; all which property, munitions of war, and that fitted to aid and support the rebellion, will be seized and held subject to confiscation; and therefore all manufacturers of arms and munitions of war are hereby requested to report to me forthwith, so that the lawfulness of their occupations may be known and understood, and all misconstruction of their doings avoided.

Other suggestions and requests were contained in the proclamation, which were of inferior importance. The first assertion of military authority over the city authorities took place soon after.

General Butler detailed Colonel Hare, of Ellicott's Mills, with a force of thirty-five soldiers of the Massachusetts Regiment, to demand a surrender of the arms which were stored by the city authorities in the warehouse corner of Gay and Second streets. The Colonel with his command marched from Federal Hill through various streets, and reached the warehouse at about a quarter of four o'clock. Three policemen were on guard at the corner, and were immediately accosted by Colonel Hare, who demanded possession of the warehouse and its contents in the name of the General Government. The appearance of the military at that point attracted at first but a small crowd, but in the course of a few minutes, it rapidly increased in numbers. The policemen stated that they had no authority to yield to the demand of Colonel Hare, until ordered to do so by Marshal Kane, who was immediately informed of the demand. The Marshal, accompanied by Deputy Marshal Gilford, and Captain Bowen and several policemen, repaired to the warehouse, where the same demand, in the name of General Butler, acting by order of the President, was made. The Marshal stated that without the orders of the Police Commissioners possession could not be given. A lengthy conversation ensued between him and Colonel Hare, while Mr. John W. Davis, one of the Commissioners, hastened to the office of the Board, where, after consideration of the demand, it was determined to surrender the arms under a protest. The military force was during this time drawn up in double file on the pavement in front of the warehouse. Charles D. Hinks, Esq., one of the Commissioners, after a delay of a half-hour, drove in his carriage to the corner, and, after alighting, gave Marshal Kane a note, informing him of the result of the action of the Board, and which was communicated to Colonel Hare, who wrote on the envelope an acceptance of the terms.

The doors of the warehouse were then opened, and immediately thereupon a number of furniture wagons and drays were drawn to the front, and laborers commenced the work of loading them with boxes containing arms. After being loaded, the vehicles passed along Second street, until that street from South to Gay was nearly filled, when they were driven over to Federal Hill and thence to Fort McHenry. In all there were thirty-five wagons and drays thus loaded with 110 boxes, containing 2,200 muskets, and sixty-seven boxes, each containing 60 pikes or spears, making a total of 4,020 spears. While the vehicles were loaded, the crowd was increased by persons who, on hearing the seizure, were somewhat desirous of provoking a collision, but fortunately wiser counsels prevailed, and but little disorder was manifested.

On the 16th of May, the regular passenger trains between Baltimore and Washington resumed their usual trips. Baltimore subsided into one of the most quiet cities of the Union. The military encampment was, however, maintained.

Subsequently, on the 27th of June, a military force was sent to the house of the Marshal of Police, Kane, by whom he was arrested and escorted to Fort McHenry. A Provost Marshal was appointed by General Banks, now in command of this military department, and a proclamation issued, in which the commanding General thus stated his designs:

 It is not my purpose, neither is it in consonance with mv instructions, to interfere, in any manner whatever, with the legitimate government of the people of Baltimore Page 59 or Maryland. I desire to support the public authorities in all appropriate duties; in preserving peace, protecting property and the rights of persons, in obeying and upholding every municipal regulation and public statute consistent with the Constitution and laws of the United States and of Maryland.

But unlawful combinations of men, organized for resistance to such laws, that provide hidden deposits of arms «md ammunition, encourage contraband traffic with men at war with the Government, and, while enjoying its protection, and privileges, stealthily wait opportunity to combine their means and force with those rebellion against its authority, are not among the recognized or legal rights of any class of men, and cannot be permitted under any form of government whatever.

Such combinations are well known to exist in this department. The mass of citizens of Baltimore and of Maryland, loyal to the Constitution and the Union, are neither parties to, nor responsible for them. But the Chief of Police is not only believed to be cognizant of these facts, but, in contravention of his duty, and in violation of law, he is, by direction or indirection, both witness and protector to the transactions and the parties engaged therein. Under such circumstances the Government cannot regard him otherwise than as the head of an armed force hostile to its authority and acting in concert with its avowed enemies.

This arrest was made for the reason stated in the proclamation: "Under such circumstances the Government cannot regard him otherwise than as the head of an armed force hostile to its authority, and acting in concert with its avowed enemies." If the opinion of the Government was correct, the arrest was doubtless justly made. But how shall the opinion of the Government be decided to be correct? By the Government itself who makes the arrest, or by an impartial tribunal? These questions excited much discussion at the time, but the public acquiesced in the proceedings of the Government, not only in this instance, but in many others.

The captains of the different police-stations were directed to report themselves to the Provost Marshal, and, upon obeying the summons, they were notified that they and their officers would be continued in service, while the strictest injunction was imposed upon them to arrest every one who might attempt to disturb the peace.

The functions of the Board of Police were suspended as soon as Colonel Kenly entered upon his duties as Provost Marshal.

In the mean time, however, a meeting was held by the Police Commissioners and the Mayor —consisting of Chas. Howard, Wm. H. Gatchell, Charles D. Hinks, John W. Davis, and George Wm. Brown, Esqs.—who, after agreeing upon a protest against the suspension of their functions, adopted the following resolution:

Resolved, That whilst the Board, yielding to the force of circumstances, will do nothing to increase the present excitement, or obstruct the execution of such measures as Major-General Banks may deem proper to take on his own responsibility for the preservation of the peace of the city and of public order, they cannot, consistently with their views of official duty, and of the obligations of their oaths of office, recognize the right of any of the officers and men of the police force, as such, to receive orders or directions from any other authority than from this Board.

The Commissioners further resolved that the suspension of their own functions, suspended at the same time the active operation of the police law and relieved the officers and men from duty; and, in pursuance of this decision, they issued a notice to the police captains of the several stations announcing that they had determined upon the disbanding of the force, and directing them to carry out the provisions of that resolve. The men were accordingly summoned to the station-houses and notified that their services as police officers were suspended for the present, though it was intimated that their pay would continue, and that they were to hold themselves in readiness to resume their duties at a moment's notice.

Notwithstanding a notice issued by Colonel Kenly, that every man would be continued on duty, the force was disbanded, and a temporary police force of about four hundred men, immediately enrolled and placed on duty. Munitions of war in considerable quantities were  found secreted in the city. In some instances they were the property of the city, in a few others they belonged to citizens.

On the 1st of July, the Commissioners of Police were arrested. The reasons for this arrest are thus stated by the commanding officer, General Banks, who ordered it:

In pursuance of orders issued from the Headquarters of the Army at Washington for the preservation of the public peace in this department, I nave arrested and o now detain in custody of the United States the late members of the Board of Police—Messrs. Charles Howard, William H. Gatchell, Charles D. Hinks, and John W. Davis.

The incidents of the past week afforded full justification for this order. The head-quarters under the charge of the Board, when abandoned by the officers, resembled in some respects a concealed arsenal. After public recognition and protest against the " suspension of their functions" they continued their sessions daily. Upon a forced and unwarrantable construction of my proclamation of the 28th ultimo, they declared that the police law was suspended, and the police officers and men put off duty for the present, intending to leave the city without any police protection whatever. They refused to recognize the officers or men necessarily selected by the Provost Marshal for its protection, and hold subject to their orders, now and hereafter, the old police force, a large body of armed men, for some purpose not known to the Government, and inconsistent with its peace or security.

On the 19th of July, General Dix was ordered to the command of the troops stationed at Baltimore, and the city thenceforth remained peaceful and tranquil. The troops have continued there throughout the year. The usual election in October for city officers was very quietly conducted. The vote was 9,587. This exceeded the vote at the previous election for members of the Legislature by 838. Except a few scattering votes there was no opposition to the Union candidates. The State election took place in November, in a quiet and peaceable manner. In Baltimore a number of arrests were made on the charge of disloyalty, which prevented a full vote for the opposition party. The total vote polled was 21,069, of which the Union candidates received 17,722.

CUMBERLAND VALLEY may be regarded as an extension, north of the Potomac, of the Shenandoah valley. It extends to the north and east from the Potomac river to the Lebanon valley, and contains the towns of Hagerstown, Maryland; Chambersburg, Carlisle, Harrisburg, &c, in Pennsylvania. It is bounded on the north and west by the Blue mountain range, and on the southeast by the South Mountain, which extends northeasterly and terminates south of Carlisle. The soil is calcareous, exceedingly fertile, and in a high state of cultivation. It was invaded by the Confederate troops in June, 1863.

WILLIAMSPORT is a village in Washington County, Maryland, on the Potomac River, at the mouth of Conecocheaque Creek. It is nine miles southwest of Hagerstown. The Chesapeake and Ohio Canal passes through the village. The movement of troops from Pennsylvania, and also up the Potomac, resulted in the concentration of more than eighteen regiments at this point on July 1.

Within a radius of five miles lay encamped the Second and Third Pennsylvania, under General Wynkoop; the Regular Cavalry, four companies of the Second, Perkins' battery of artillery, the Sixth, Twenty-first, and Twenty-third Pennsylvania regiments, under Colonel Thomas; the Fourteenth, Fifteenth, and Twenty-fourth Pennsylvania, under General Negley ; the Eleventh Pennsylvania Regiment, First Wisconsin Regiment, and McMullin's Independent Rangers, under Colonel Abercrombie. The whole column, embracing eighteen full regiments, and several detached corps, such as Major Doubleday's two companies, the Second Cavalry, and the First City Troop, and Perkins' Artillery, were under marching orders to cross the river and take up a position on the south side unless repulsed by the enemy.

The ford is naturally one of the best on the river, and the proper ascent on the Virginia shore very easy. At three o'clock the next morning the movement commenced. It was a bright and beautiful morning, and as the soldiers, who were in excellent spirits, filed past, they were  reviewed by Major-General Patterson. A Confederate force of three regiments of infantry, and one of cavalry, and four pieces of artillery, was on the Virginia side, under General Page 755 Jackson. The crossing was suspected, but not at so early an hour, and the Federal troops were close upon the Confederates before they were seen by the latter. The first stand was made at Porterfield's farm, on the turnpike and near Hainesville, where it was necessary to destroy a barn and carriage-house in order to make a charge upon the Confederates. Here was a sharp skirmish—the Confederates held their ground for a time, but eventually retreated. Knapsacks and canteens were thrown aside as incumbrances to a backward march. They left behind them a number of blankets and other articles of value, indicating a hasty retreat. The loss of the Federal troops was reported by General Patterson, at three killed and ten wounded. This was called the skirmish at Falling Water. The troops moved thence to Martinsburg.

MASSACHUSETTS, one of the six New England States, was one of the original thirteen of the Union. It has a general surface 150 miles long by 50 broad, although the eastern end spreads out nearly 90 miles, and shoots out a long tongue of sand bank into the ocean. On the north are the States of New Hampshire and Vermont; on the west, New York; and on the south, Connecticut and Rhode Island. It has an area of 7,800 square miles, and is between 41°15' and 42°52' north latitude, and 69°50' and 73°30' west longitude. It has a population more dense than most of the States, and although naturally one of the least favored soils, yet its wealth is greater per head than that of any other State in the Union. Its manufacturing and commercial industry has, under protective tariffs, found ample and remunerative homo markets in all the other States of the Union, and its wealth has accumulated in an unparalleled manner. The energy of its people has been conspicuous from the earliest times, and always made itself felt in the councils of the nation. The population has increased as follows:

1790 878,717 1800 423,845 1810 472,040 1820 628.287 1830 610,408 1850 994,5141, 530.60 S42.77 153.28

The manufactures of Massachusetts. They not only offered the means of cheap conveyance of materials to the best factory sites, but also brought away the goods to market at low rates, while they afforded the cheap and easy means of circulating labor. Their extended lines also placed Massachusetts in connection with the most remote sections of the Union on terms as favorable as those enjoyed by any other State. They thus concentrated her energies to produce and at the same time extended the market for the sale of goods. The returns of railroads of Massachusetts for the year 1861 were as follows: Length of roads, in miles....  Thus over $63,000,000 have in Massachusetts been expended in those means of communication, and the outlay itself yields a handsome interest, while it has been the means of increasing the State wealth in a much larger ratio. The manufacturing industry seems to have absorbed all others. The agriculturists have apparently migrated from the State, while1840 TiiT.fioo manufacturing labor has been supplied by: 1850 994.SI4 1*W 1,132.589 I860 1,281,097 The manufacturing wealth of Massachusetts is very large. The productions enumerated in the State census for 1855, show nearly $300 per head per annum for each inhabitant. The distribution of these manufactures by counties is as follows, as compared with the population and taxable valuations in 1860: 1855. 1980. migration from abroad; nevertheless, the agricultural interests of the commonwealth have been highly prosperous during the year 1861. Their products are estimated as exceeding thirty-two millions of dollars. The season was propitious, and the crops, with few exceptions, were abundant and profitable. The census of 1850, which gave the nativities of the people, disclosed the following facts in relation to Massachusetts: Natives of Massachusetts Urine In Massachusetts.. 695,286 Foreigners living in Massachusetts 299,278 Population. The construction of railroads wrought a great change in the internal commerce as well as in Total population 994,514 Natives of Massachusetts living in other States... 199,cb2 How many natives of Massachusetts there are living in foreign countries is not known. But only three-fourths of all born in the State are living in it. The amount of taxable property is large, but official investigation shows that about $150,000,000 eludes assessment, hence the real amount is, in round numbers, one thousand millions, or an average of $811 for every soul in the State. The average in New York is less than $400. In other words, while Massachusetts has 4 per cent, of the whole white population of the Union, she has 10 per cent, of the taxable wealth, a state of things which strongly illustrates the thrift of her people under Federal Page 450 laws, which have given them the monopoly of manufacturing for the agricultural sections.

In politics Massachusetts, always strongly whig, is more decidedly republican. The vote at the last presidential elections was as follows:

In 1856, Fremont had 108,518 votes. Mr. Fillmore, 19,079, and Buchanan, 39,287. Mr. Lincoln had 2,000 less votes than Mr. Fremont, and the three Union candidates had together 3,700 more than Buchanan and Fillmore, united. This decline in the republican vote would seem to bo due to the apprehensions of approaching troubles, which the canvass developed. The views under which the canvass was conducted, are manifested in the speech of W. H. Seward, in Bowdoin Square, Boston, August 14. He was attended by Governor Banks, C. F. Adams, and Henry Wilson. In the course of his remarks he stated: "Here I can play no part; I can affect no disguise; because, although not a son of Massachusetts, nor even of Now England born, I feel and know it my duty to confess that if I have ever studied the interests of ray country and of humanity, I have studied them in the school of Massachusetts. If I have ever conceived a resolution to maintain the rights and interests of these free States in the union of the Confederacy, I learned it from Massachusetts. It is twenty-two years ago, not far from this season, when a distinguished and venerable statesman of Massachusetts had retired to his home, a few miles in the suburbs of your city, under the censure of his fellow-citizens, driven home to his quarters by the peltings of remorseless pro-slavery people, that I, younger then, of course, than I am now, made a pilgrimage from my own home, which was not molested on my way, to the Sage of Quincy, there to learn from him what became a citizen of the United States, in view of the deplorable condition of the intelligence and sentiment of the country under its demoralization by the power of slavery. And there I received, and thence I have derived, every resolution, every sentiment, that has animated and inspired me in the performance of my duty as a citizen of the United States, all this time. I know, indeed, that those sentiments have not always been popular, even in the State of Massachusetts. I know that citizens of Massachusetts, as well as citizens of other States, have attempted to drive the disciples of that illustrious teacher from their policy. But it is to-night that I am free to confess that whenever any man, wherever he might bo found, whether ho was of Northern or Southern birth, whether he was of the ' solid men of Boston,' or of the light men of Mississippi, has assailed me for the maintenance of these doctrines, I have sought to commune with his spirit, and to learn from him whether the thing in which I was engaged was well and worthily done. "What a commentary upon the wisdom of man is given in this single fact, that fifteen years only after the death of John Quincy Adam?, the people of the United States, the people who hurled him from power and from place, are calling to the head of the nation, to the very seat from which he was expelled, Abraham Lincoln, whose claim to that scat is that he confesses the obligation of that higher law which the Sage of Quincy proclaimed, and that he avows himself, for weal or woe, for life or death, a soldier on the side of freedom in the irrepressible conflict between freedom and slavery. This, gentlemen, is my simple confession. I desire, now, only to say to you that you have arrived at the last stage of this conflict before you reach the triumph which is to inaugurate this great policy into the government of the United States. You will bear yourselves manfully. It behooves you, solid men of Boston, if you are here, and if the solid men are not here, then the lighter men of Massachusetts, to bear onward and forward, first in the ranks, the flag of freedom. But let not your thoughts or expectations be confined to the present hour. I tell you, fellow-citizens, that with this victory comes the end of the power of slavery in the United States. I think I may assume that a democrat is a man who maintains the creed of one or the other branch of the democratic party at the present day. Assuming that to be so, I tell you, in all sincerity, that the last democrat in the United States is born."

The results of the election were celebrated in Boston on the 9th of November, and the meeting was addressed by Governor Andrew and others. The Governor distinctly declared that success at the election was the first step towards carrying out the anti-slavery programme, which had been announced.

On the 3d of December a meeting in honor of John Brown was called at the Tremont Temple by the loading partisans of his principles. This aroused the indignation of the citizens, and it was broken up. The Unionists in the hall passed the following resolution:

Resolved, That the people of this city hare submitted too long in allowing irresponsible persons and political demagogues of every description to hold public meetings that disturb the public peace, and misrepresent us abroad; that they have become a nuisance which, in self-defence, we have determined shall henceforward be summarily abated.

A confederacy of the New England States as opposed to the Southern Confederacy was immediately projected, and plans emanating from Washington, were put in activity. January 5, 1861, Governor Andrew despatched agents to Maine, Vermont, and Rhode Island, to present to the Executives of those States certain documents concerning the expediency of placing the militia of those States in condition for a prompt movement to the defence of the city of Washington, if a call should be made for troops for that purpose;—and also, (at the request of responsible gentlemen in Washington,) concerning organizing a national celebration of the anniversary of January 8th.

The agent sent to Maine and New Hampshire was A. G. Browne, jr., afterwards military Page 451 secretary to Governor Andrew; and the Vermont agent was David W. Wardrop, of New Bedford, colonel of the first regiment detailed for service on the fall of Fort Sumter. At the same time, the first week in January, that these agents were despatched to the New England States, the volunteer militia of the State began active drilling nightly in their several armories. There were 5,000 men thus drilling; of them 8,000 were armed with the Springfield rifle musket, and the adjutant-general sent to the War Department for permission to draw 2,000 more rifled muskets from the Springfield armory in advance of the annual quota.

It would seem from the fact that Massachusetts could only at first arm 3,000 men, and was many months getting 10,000 into the field, that she was hut little better prepared than the other Northern States for war; yet her usual vigor and energy finally triumphed over all obstacles, and she fully met the demands upon her for troops.

It is remarkable that on the same day on which the five commissioners to the peace conference were voted in the Massachusetts Legislature, February 7, military orders were promulgated to the 1st division to hold itself ready for immediate service at the national capital.

Lieutenant-Colonel Harrison Ritchie, of my personal staff, said Governor Andrew, was sent by mo to Washington, for the purpose of consulting with the General-in-Chief of the Federal army, and with other officers, civil as well as military, with reference to the despatch of troops by this Commonwealth for the defence of the City of Washington, in event of any emergency which would render the employment of militia for that purpose desirable. It is not deemed expedient to insert in this communication the report made by Colonel Ritchie of his mission. It is sufficient to state, that a satisfactory understanding was established with the General-in-Chief, and an arrangement effected, according to which, if it should be found necessary to despatch our troops, and their way between Philadelphia and Baltimore should be obstructed over land, they should be directed upon Baltimore by sea (landing under cover of its forts,) or upon Annapolis and from thence to Washington.

Thus the troops were drilled and equipped, and ready to start at a moment's notice. The Massachusetts Senators at Washington were persevering in urging upon the President the services of the Massachusetts men. When the expedition to Fort Sumter resulted in hostilities, Senator Wilson immediately telegraphed to Governor Andrew to send twenty companies to Washington. In the course of the same day the formal requisition of the department was received, and Colonel Wardrop, at New Bedford, of the 3d Regiment, Colonel Jones, at Lowell, of the 6th, Colonel Packard, at Quincy, of the 4th, and Colonel Munroe, at Lynn, of the 8th, were ordered to muster on the Common forthwith, and they appeared on the following day. On the 16th they began to arrive in Boston. The first companies came from Marblehead on the evening of the 15th, which was the same day the proclamation was issued. This town has the reputation of sending the first troops to Cambridge, in 1775. Other companies arrived by the various railroads, all with full ranks. The excitement in the several towns whence they came was intense. The friends and neighbors of the soldiers in many instances raised $1,000 and $2,000 for the benefit of their families. They were cheered as they left home, and frequently addressed by clergymen, ex-governors, ex-members of Congress, and others. The general feeling expressed was that civil war with all its horrors was preferable to anarchy. On the 16th Senator Wilson again telegraphed for a brigade of four regiments. On the 17th Colonel Wardrop with 11 companies, 3d Regiment, was ordered immediately to Fortress Monroe, followed by Colonel Packard with the 4th. Colonel Jones with 13 companies, comprising the 6th Regiment, was ordered to Washington forthwith via New York. This regiment was attacked in Baltimore, April 19, the anniversary of the battle of Lexington, 1775. On the receipt of the news in Boston, April 19th, of the attack on the military at Baltimore, the populace became almost frantic. The workmen left their shops and factories in their shirt sleeves and congregated in crowds, resolving to avenge the wrong at all cost. Bodies of men from all ranks were organizing and preparing to leave at the earliest moment, determined to redress the outrage with their lives.

On the 20th of April, F. B. Crowninshield was despatched to Europe to purchase 25,000 stand of arms, and was furnished with a credit of $250,000 for that purpose. There were expended $251,339 for English Enfield rifles, and $23,617 for infantry equipments. The remainder of a sum of $562,488 was expended. The balance was made up of American infantry equipments, ordnance, ordnance stores of every description, and wagons and caissons for the battery companies, freight, repairs, and the like. All regiments and companies, whether of infantry or artillery, both for three months and for three years service, furnished by the State to the General Government, with the exception of one battery, received all their armament from the Commonwealth. The horse equipments and sabres for cavalry were received from the United States. Of the troops in the three years' service, 14 regiments were armed with the Enfield rifled musket, 4 with the Springfield rifled musket, and 5 with the Springfield smooth-bored musket. The 15jth and 21st regiments were at first provided with smoothbores, which were afterwards replaced by rifled arms.

Massachusetts also loaned 2,000 Springfield guns to arm Western Virginia.

The State made a further contract for 5 000 Enfield rifles, of which 320 arrived before the affair of the Trent caused the interdict of the Queen of England against the further export of arms.

The troops continued to move forward rapidly, and 6 regiments three-months men, numbering 3,736, were up to the 3d of May forwarded.

At that date the President called for three years volunteers. Of these there were forwarded 26,175 during the year, (of whom 4,337 only were from Boston and neighborhood,) making 30,736 men in addition to 2,900 Massachusetts men in independent and other organizations. There were also 11,000 men enlisted in the navy. From this number are to be deducted 1,622 men of other States enlisted in Massachusetts regiments. The following are the three-months regiments: Regiments.

3d Infantry. 4th " . 6th 8th" 8th" 3d Rifles.... Battery...... Total.  W. Wardrop . A. B. Packard ... S. C. Lawrence .. E. F. Jones T. Munroe ... Major C. Devens. A. M. Cook Men.

These were from every comity in the State, Boston furnishing 352 men.

The three-years men were as follows: Regiment. 1st 2d 7th 9th 10th 11th 12th 13th 14th loth lath nth 18th T9th 20tll 21st..... 22d 21 24th 25th 23th ,.24th 25th 29th 1st Cavalry. 1st Battery. 21" 3d 4t h" 6:h Rob. Cowdin ..... S. IH. Gordon ..... J. H. Wheelock .. Tho. Case Henry y. Briggs... W. Blasdell Fletcher Webster. S. II. Leonard..... W. B. Green Charles Devens.... P. T. Wyman T. C. Amory J. Barnes E. W. Hink W. R. Lee. A. Morse •T. A. Gore J. Kartz J. G. Hevemor.... E. Upton E. F. Jones. H. C. Lee W. Monleith E. W. Pierce R. Williams .1. Porter O. F. Ntma A. P. Martin C. II. Murray....... […]

Thus, previous to the battle of Bull Run, Massachusetts had supplied but four regiments of three-years men to the war, notwithstanding the urgency with which the troops had been pressed upon the "War Department early in January, and drilling and arming had been extensively carried on at a time when conciliation was generally attempted. In the same period of time, viz., from May 19 to July 12, New York had sent forward 42 regiments, 36.000 men.

The Massachusetts Legislature met in the first week in January, and Governor Banks, in his valedictory address, January 3, 1861, dwelt long on the importance of repealing the personal liberty bills, on account of their unconstitutional character, but repelled the idea of peaceable secession.

Governor Andrew, in his Message to both Houses, sustained the personal liberty bill.

The Massachusetts Senate, January 15, passed a resolution endorsing Mr. Buchanan's position in his last annual Message. In the House, on the same day, resolutions were passed by unanimous vote, tendering to the President aid in men and money to support the Federal authority, and declaring that the State of South Carolina had committed acts of war. A bill also passed to increase the volunteer military of the date.

January 19, resolutions were passed establishing the office of Private Military Secretary to the Governor, and Mr. Brown, the agent to Maine for a military confederacy, was appointed.

January 24, the Senate Committee on Federal Relations reported that a law to prevent search for runaway slaves in Massachusetts would bo in violation of the Constitution of the United States. The same committee reported that the militia laws of the commonwealth were in conformity with the Federal laws.

The Committee on Federal Relations voted to report leave to withdraw on the several petitions for a law against slave-hunting in Massachusetts.

An order was introduced in the House looking to the enactment of laws for the protection of citizens travelling in the States, which was referred.

Governor Andrew sent in a Message to the House enclosing a communication from Colonel Jones, of the Sixth Regiment, tendering the services of the regiment to the Government; also, a similar offer from Major-General Sutton and staff. The light artillery, National Lancers, and numerous other efficient military corps of the city and State, voted nearly unanimously to respond to a call for active service.

April 5, the House of Representatives unanimously passed a resolution on the petition of fifty-four mercantile houses trading with Hayti, instructing the Massachusetts Senators and Representatives in Congress to use their influence to obtain the recognition of Haytian independence. The Rhode Island boundary question, which had been pending many years, was settled, finally, by the adoption of a new line, which transfers Pawtucket and part of Seekonk, Mass., to Rhode Island  and Fall River, R. I., to Massachusetts.

On the 24th of January, amidst the public anxiety, the Massachusetts Anti-Slavery Society announced its annual sittings in the Tremont Temple, where the John Brown meeting had been attempted. This it was declared would not be suffered, and the aid of the Mayor was invoked. The Mayor replied that "he knew nothing of the character of the meeting, or of the threats to 'summarily abate such assemblies as a nuisance,' but if the originators of the meeting and the trustees of the Tremont Temple thought that any thing would be said during the sessions against the Government, or likely Page 453 to peril the peace of the city, they would be responsible for any disturbances which might follow!" He also said that "since in the present excited state of the public mind, it was evident an anti-slavery meeting could not be held in Boston without serious and perhaps violent opposition, we ought not to hold one; and if it was held, and such opposition was provoked, he should arrest those who called and conducted the meeting, as the aggressors upon the public peace!"

There was an attempt to hold the meeting, and Mr. Wendell Phillips began to speak amidst great uproar, and the Mayor finally closed the place. About 200 citizens went to the house of Phillips, in Essex street, with the design to destroy it, but it was protected by the police.

An attempt was made in the Legislature in consequence, to take from the Mayor the control of the police, and place it with the Governor, but the attempt failed.

The Tremont Temple, the Melodeon, and the rooms in the Mercantile Library Building, were refused to the Anti-Slavery Society for its annual May meeting.

In February, petitions from Boston with 22,000 signatures in favor of the Crittenden compromise were forwarded to "Washington. February 5, the Governor of Massachusetts appointed seven commissioners to the convention at Washington, in accordance with the action of the Legislature. An immense Union meeting was held at Faneuil Hall by all parties, and the most extraordinary earnestness for the preservation of peace was manifested. Resolutions were passed appealing to the Border States to remain faithful, and conceding the equal rights of the States in the territories of the United States, and approving of the Crittenden compromises. A meeting was held at the Board of Trade rooms in favor of a petition for compromise, which was as follows:

Your memorialists humbly pray that such measures may be speedily adopted by Congress for the pacific settlement of our present difficulties, as will embrace substantially such a plan of compromise as may be deemed expedient to restore tranquillity and peace to our distracted country.

This was signed by an immense number of names. Similar petitions were largely circulated, and in somo cases obtained as many local names as there were voters. A committee, composed of Ed. Everett, R. Winthrop, Chief-Justice Lemuel Shaw, E. S. Toby, Amos A. Lawrence, the Union candidate for Governor, C. L. Woodbury, went to Washington with the Union memorial of the city to Congress, and on the 29th it was presented to that body. It contained 14,127 signatures of legal voters. The vote of the city at the last election had been 19,000. Two days were required to obtain the signatures, which were those of persons of all political parties. The petition was carried to the clerk's desk, enveloped in the flag of the Union, amid the applause of a large number of the representatives and of the spectators.

The Legislature adjourned April 13, the day of the attack on Fort Sumter, having been in session 100 days. The events which immediately followed, made an extra session necessary, and it was convened May 14. A law was passed, May 21, creating a sinking fund to redeem the war debt by applying to it moneys that may be received from the United States, and a tax of one-tenth per cent, of the balance over such sums.

On the same day was passed an "act for the maintenance of the Union and the Constitution." This ratified the proceedings of the Governor in relation to the war, and invested him with power to arm, equip, and officer troops, and fix their rank and pay, and to adjust accounts with the United States. It created the "Union Fund," and authorized the issue of $3,000,000 in scrip, bearing 6 per cent, coupons, payable after 10 years or at 30 years.

A supplemental act empowered the Governor to issue scrip for $7,000,000 6 per cent, to bo loaned to the United States, and expended in treasury notes.

On the 23d was passed an act " in aid of the families of volunteers." It empowered towns and cities to raise money for soldiers' families. A bill for organizing the home guard was also passed.

On the 23d the Legislature adjourned. Many of the members made a donation of their pay to the volunteer fund, and the session closed by singing the "Star-Spangled Banner," and other patriotic songs.

September 30, over $1,200,000 were bid at and above par for the new Massachusetts 6 per cent. State loan for $1,000,000.

The Republican State Convention, fully intended, was called to order at Worcester, October 1. Governor Andrew was nominated by acclamation. The resolutions adopted declared that the maintenance of the Constitution transcends any other question, and demands the life and property of all citizens; expressed a desire for the union of all the friends of the country against its pretended friends and open enemies; declared that no rights secured to loyal citizens shall be endangered, and that disloyal citizens have no rights adverse to those who are loyal; approved the acts of the Administration; recognized the devotion of the volunteers; endorsed the acts of Governor Andrew, and recommended the exercise of great care in nominating subordinate officers.

Resolutions were also offered, declaring that the people of the State would rejoice, when the time should come, in the wisdom of the Government, to remove slavery, and to free all slaves within the lines of the Federal armies, compensating loyal owners.

This resolution was laid on the table, and the motion to adjourn was carried without acting upon it.

The vote at the election for Governor was: 1860 Andrew, 104,621; opposition, 85,000 1861 "66,281; " 31,264

On the 24th of November the San Jacinto Page 454 arrived with Messrs. Mason, Slidell, and suite, who were incarcerated in Fort Warren. A committee of the city government waited on Commander Wilkes, who was entertained at the expense of the city.

There are in Massachusetts some 250 joint stock companies for different manufacturing purposes. The capital of these in 1861 was $16,055,800, and paid in $12,387,651.36.

The receipts and expenditures of the treasury of the State of Massachusetts for 1861 were:

Cash, January 1,1861 $154,841.68

Revenue receipts 1,138,980.08 31,208,827.56

Ordinary expenses 1,163,742.66

Cash, December 31,1S61 8135,085.00

Received for several funds: Union fund loan $2,217,500.00

Sale of State scrip 800,000.00

From U. S. reimbursements 9S4.376.00

Emergency fund 3,201,547.00 Total military... $6,703,423.00

Other expenses 1,141,375.00 $7,344,T9S.0«

Arming troops 3.343.004.41

Repaid banks 2,780,500.00

Sinking fund 984.376.15

Other expanses 031,362.44 y I $7,739,983.00

Cash on hand 104,865.00

MINNESOTA, one of the younger States of the Union, admitted in 1858, and lying in the extreme northwest of the States east of the Rocky Mountains, is hounded north by British America, east by Lake Superior and "Wisconsin, south by Iowa and Missouri Territory, and west by Nebraska Territory. The territory of the State is the most elevated tract of land between the Gulf of Mexico and Hudson's Bay; from its central heights, its waters flow to every point of the compass. It abounds in lakes of every size, from those of forty miles in extent to small ponds of less than a mile in circuit. There are two outlets for the products of the country: one by way of the Mississippi Valley, and one by way of Lake Superior through the Lake and the east. The great export of the State is lumber. The population in 1850, was 6,077; in 1860 it had increased to 171,793 white and 229 free colored. The ratio of increase during the previous ten years, was 2,745.19 white. The vote of the State at the presidential election in 1860 was: Lincoln, 22,069; Douglas, 11,920; Breckinridge, 748; Bell, 62. The qualifications are: that they bo free white males, twenty-one years of age, who are, or have declared their intention of becoming, citizens of the United States, and who have resided in the United States one year, and in the State four months next preceding. Indians and persons of mixed white and Indian blood, who have adopted the language, customs, and habits of civilization, are also allowed to vote in any district in which they have resided for the ten days next preceding. The Legislature consists of thirty-seven Senators, elected for two years, and eighty Representatives, elected for one year. The Governor is elected for two years. The present Governor is Alexander Ramsey. The people of the State, by a large majority, were opposed to the movements in favor of secession in the Southern States, and were determined to uphold the Government under all circumstances. The Legislature, on the 26th of January, passed the following resolutions, expressive of their views on the impending troubles of the country:

1. Resolved, That one of the vital and necessary principles which form the basis of all free government is, that the constitutional majority must always rule; and therefore, the right of the people of any state to withdraw from the Union, thereby hazarding the liberties and happiness of the millions composing this Confederacy, can never be acknowledged by us under any circumstances. We regard secession upon the part of any State as amounting directly to revolution, and precipitating civil war, with all its sad train of consequences.

2. Resolved, That the people of the State of Minnesota reiterate their unalterable devotion to the Constitution of the United States; and that if its provisions are strictly observed, it will, in its own words, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defence, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.

3. Resolved, That Abraham Lincoln and Hannibal Hamlin, having been constitutionally and legally elected President and Vice-President of the United 'States, at a general election fully and freely participated in, on the same day, by the people of every State of the Union, south as well as north, any attempt to dissolve or destroy the Union on account thereof is without excuse or justification, and should receive the condemnation of every patriot in the land.

4. Resolved, That we have heard with astonishment and indignation of the recent outrages perpetrated at Charleston, South Carolina, by firing upon an American steamer, sailing under the flag of our country, and that we expect of the General Government the strongest and most vigorous effort to assert its supremacy, and to check the work of rebellion and treason. Fully impressed with our duty to make every possible effort to uphold the Union, and to maintain the authority of the General Government, we hereby tender to the President of the United States for that purpose, through the Governor of this State, aid in men and money to the extent of our ability. When one or more States erect the standard of disunion, and place themselves in military array against the Government bequeathed to.us by our ancestors, we can discover no other honorable or patriotic resource than to test, both on land and on ocean, the full strength of the Federal authority under our national flag.

5. Resolved, That we declare to each State of this Union our sincere desire to secure a renewal of that fraternal feeling which ought always to exist between citizens of a common country, and which distinguished the history of the nation for more than half a century. Especially do we express to those patriotic citizens of the Southern States, who have nobly and manfully exerted their utmost efforts to prevent the catastrophe of dissolution, our sincere gratitude and highest admiration.

6. Resolved, That the most sincere thanks of the nation are justly due to that distinguished patriot and veteran, Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, for the prompt and decisive steps he has taken to stay the tide of revolution, and lor. the determined spirit ho has evinced in maintaining the honor of our Government.

7. Resolved, That we never will consent or submit to the obstruction of the free navigation of the Mississippi River, from its source to its mouth, by any power hostile to the Federal Government.

The call for volunteers by the Federal Government, was responded to with ardor by the people of the State, Her troops were early in the field, and ranked among the bravest. Four full regiments of infantry, three companies of cavalry, and one of artillery, numbering 4,400 men, were raised for the war during the year, and the formation of a fifth regiment was commenced. The Governor, in his Message to the Legislature after the close of the year 1861, says: "The State now sends to the protection of the Union a greater number of men than her whole population in 1850."


Source: The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.