The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.

Confederate States in 1864, Part 2: North Carolina through Virginia

NORTH CAROLINA. The dissatisfaction with the government at Richmond which existed in North Carolina at the close of 1863 and the first part of 1864, arose from the lack of efforts on the part of the Richmond government to seek by negotiations a peace with the United States. A large portion of the people of the State desired peace; but instead of witnessing efforts to obtain it by negotiation, they beheld the war pressed forward, the exactions of the government for men and money constantly increasing, and the loss and destruction of the war unsuspended. So far did this discontent proceed, that General Vance found it to be necessary to address a letter to Mr. Davis on the subject. This letter, with the reply to it, will be found under the title “Confederate States." Mr. Davis says that all his efforts to open negotiations have been rejected by Mr. Lincoln, and that honor would not permit them to be renewed. This state of affairs led to various suggestions for reaching the object so much desired. In the Senate of the State Legislature, which was in session at this time, it was proposed to open negotiations through commissioners appointed by the States respectively. For this purpose the following resolutions were brought forward in that body:

Resolved, That five commissioners be elected by this General Assembly, to act with commissioners from the other States of the Confederacy, as a medium for negotiating a peace with the United States.

Resolved, That each of the other States of the Confederacy be respectfully requested to create a similar commission, with as little delay as practicable, and Page 589 to coöperate with North Carolina, in requesting of President Davis, in the name of these sovereign States, that he tender to the United States a conference for negotiating a peace through the medium of these commissioners.

Resolved, That the Governor make known to each of the other States of the Confederacy this action of the General Assembly of North Carolina, and endeavor to secure their coöperation.

Resolved, That whenever any five of the States shall have responded by the appointment of commissioners, the Governor communicate the proceedings, officially, to President Davis, and request his prompt action upon the proposition.

This proposition failed to be adopted. In the Assembly it was proposed that the efforts to negotiate should be renewed by the regular appointment of Commissioners by Mr. Davis, with the approval of the Senate of the Confederate Congress, and that such appointment should be made known to the whole world; that it might be seen by all nations, whether Mr. Lincoln would refuse to treat with regular commissioners. For this purpose, the following resolutions were offered in the Assembly:

Resolved, That the President of the Confederate States, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate, by the constituted authority under the Constitution for the negotiation of peace, is hereby requested to appoint commissioners for the purpose of negotiating an honorable peace, and that publication thereof be made to the world.

Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be furnished to the President of the Confederate States, our Representatives in Congress, and also to the Governors of the several States composing the Confederacy, with a request that they be laid before their respective Legislatures, to the end that their coöperation may be secured in the attainment of this object.

This proposition likewise failed to be adopted. It was well understood by those who comprehended the true state of affairs, that Mr. Lincoln could not receive any individuals or commissioners appointed or sent by the government at Richmond, without thereby recognizing the existence of that government. Doing thus much would change the issue in the contest between the hostile parties. The advocates of peace therefore, took now the position that the state alone should attempt to negotiate a peace with the Federal Government. Those who opposed this view, took the position that the State should act in cooperation with the other States engaged with her in the war. This became the issue in the election for Governor in August. Governor Vance represented the latter view, and Mr. Holden the former. They thus were both in favor of peace, and became the opposing candidates. Holden was stigmatized as “the peace-at-any-price candidate;” in the same manner as the peace men in several of the northern States were designated. The arguments urged in the political campaign show the earnestness of the people. On the side of Mr. Holden it was said: “We went to war to protect the State sovereignty and to defend and perpetuate the institution of slavery; but if it should appear that we are likely to lose both, as rational beings we should pause and consider well the direction we are taking. If the war should continue twelve months longer, with no greater success to our arms, there is great danger that the institution of slavery will be hopelessly destroyed.”

Governor Vance to support his views said: “Secession from the Confederacy will involve us in a new war—a bloodier conflict than that which we now deplore. So soon as you announce to the world that you are a sovereign and independent nation, as a matter of course the Confederate Government has a right to declare war against you, and President Davis will make the whole State a field of battle and blood. Old Abe would send his troops here also, because we would no longer be neutral, and so, if you will pardon the expression, we would catch the devil on all sides.”

The friends of Holden proposed to carry out their plan by means of a State Convention. To this it was objected that the proposition for a State Convention so closely upon the heels of Mr. Lincoln's proposition to let one-tenth of the people form a State Government, had a very strong odor of disloyalty and treason. The “peace-at-any-price men” were also aided by the great number of deserters from the army within the State. In the mountain frontier on the western border, bands of them swarmed. Some of the interior counties were also infested by them. They represented nearly every State in the Confederacy, and lurked in the swamps and mountains, stealing, plundering, and in many instances murdering the inhabitants. They took possession of the town of Yadkin and released all the prisoners in the jail, who, doubtless, says the “Richmond Examiner,” a radical secession print, “immediately joined them, and all became peace men together.” The election took place in August. The vote polled was 74,771; of which Governor Vance received 54,323, and Mr. Holden, 20,448. The soldiers voted almost unanimously for Governor Vance. The vote in the hospitals at Richmond was thus reported:

At the Camp Winder Hospital, where there are over thirteen hundred North Carolinians, the polls were opened late, but by 1 P.M. three hundred and fifty-four votes were recorded for Vance. One inmate, said to be crazy, got up and voted for Holden, and went back to bed. In all the hospitals of Richmond, where North Carolina soldiers were quartered, the aggregate vote was: For Vance, 867; Holden, 25.

The vote of the State in 1860 was 96,230. The result of the election decided that the State should seek to obtain peace only in coöperation with the other States of the Confederacy.

The blockade running operations of the State became nearly suspended toward the latter part of the year. The resort of the Tallahassee and other cruisers to the commercial port of Wilmington, tripled the stringency of the blockade, and caused the loss to the authorities and citizens of many valuable steamers. One steamer, the Advance, was stated by Governor Vance to be worth more in solid benefits to the Confederate Government than all the cruisers it had ever put afloat. The State of North Carolina made Page 590 a profit by the blockade running. Her soldiers were thereby abundantly supplied with necessaries, and many indispensable articles were furnished to the citizens at cost and expenses.

When the Legislature assembled near the close of the year, the Governor recommended that the State should assume the support of the families of the soldiers, instead of the counties, and asked for an appropriation of two millions in currency, and a tax of one-tenth in kind. He recommended the extension of the military age to fifty-five years, and op the arming of slaves as a policy entirely inadmissible. He urged that the common schools should be kept in operation at any cost. The crops of the year were fair, and in some places excellent.

At the loss of Plymouth, and its subsequent recapture, were the most important military operations during the year within the State. Several raids, however, were made from the posts held by the Federal troops. On June 19th a force left Newbern under command of Colonel Jordan, which was out five days skirmishing with the enemy. On the 21st another force, under Colonel Classon, advanced towards Kinston, meeting and driving back a small body of the enemy. A number of prisoners were taken on each expedition, with some horses and small arms. On June 30th a small force from Tennessee, under Captain Booth, came into Western North Carolina, and captured Camp Vance at Morgantown, taking about three hundred junior reserves of the enemy prisoners. A raid was also made by General Wild with his colored troops into Camden County, which resulted in bringing off about 2,501 slaves, 350 ox, horse, and mule teams, and 60 horses. Ten dwelling-houses and thousands of bushels of corn were burned, two distilleries and four camps, with a loss to the brigade of twelve killed and wounded, and one taken prisoner.

The Siamese twins, well known some years ago as two young men, natives of Siam, who were connected together by a short ligament from each breast, settled on a plantation in North Carolina. A physician who came within the Federal lines, being a resident in their neighborhood, stated as follows:

Since the war began they have continued to reside on their plantation, and lived in the same quiet and harmony as ever until within two years. No one ever thought of drafting them, and their negroes prospered, except that when out of temper from any cause, it was apt to work itself off in ºil. the first one that came to hand, from which the best escape was to : out of the way. The brothers probably never would have had any difficulty, but that their wives, though sisters, turned away their hearts, and children were the cause of this estrangement.

Up to the period that each had five children all prospered, but one of them had a sixth, and this awoke envy and jealousy to such a degree, that the two sisters, not being bound together like the twin brothers, would no longer live under the same roof, though still in different houses on the same plantation. The brothers are now about fifty years of age, but one, the smaller and feebler of the two, looks now fully ten years older than the other. They can turn back to back or face to face, but that is as far as the remarkable bond that unites them permits. A few years since they corresponded with some of the leading surgical #. in London, as to the possibility of the umbilicus which unites them being cut, so that in case of the death of one, the life of the other might be saved. At the request of the London Surgeon they visited that city, and many experiments were tried to determine the safety of such operation. Among other things, a ligature was tied firmly for a few minutes round the connexion between them, so as to prevent the circulation of blood through the artery. But it seemed as if each would expire if this were longer persisted in.

The smaller of the two fainted away and lost all consciousness, and there were symptoms that the same effect would follow to the other, but that the process could not be continued long enough without endangering the life of him who was first to faint. Should the smaller and feebler die, it might be worth while making the experiment of operating, but the Fº of prolonging the life of the other would be very small. Should, however, the larger and more healthy of the twin brothers die, there would seem absolutely no hope of saving the feebler of the two.

SOUTH CAROLINA. The movements of the war left the State of South Carolina comparatively undisturbed during 1864. The Federal fleet occupied the entrance to the harbor of Charleston. Morris Island was also held, and an artillery fire was directed at intervals against Fort Sumter and the city of Charleston. Hilton Head was also occupied by troops, and Port Royal preserved as the base of Federal military operations on the coast of the State. Some skirmishes took place between the hostile troops, and some expeditions were made by bodies of the Federal troops, but the results, excepting so far as related under the title of ARMY OPERATIONS, were unimportant. The lower part of the city of Charleston suffered much injury from the shells thrown into it by the distant Federal guns. Some of the effects of the shells are thus described by a visitor:

We visited the old office of the “Mercury,” in Broad street. A message sent by the “Marsh Anel” had preceded us, entering the roof, passing into the chimney, and exploding within, dumping several card loads of brick bats, mortar, and soot into the editorial room, smashing all the windows, and splintering the doors.

The “Courier,” in Bay street, had not escaped damage. A shell went through the roof, tearing down through the floors, ripping up the boards, breaking the timbers, jarring the plaster from the walls, exploding in the second story, rattling all the tiles from the roof, bursting out the windows, smashing the composing stone, opening the whole building to the sun-light. Another shell had dashed the sidewalk to pieces and blown a passage into the cellar wide enough to admit a six horse wagon. Near the “Courier” office was the Union Bank, Farmers and Exchange Bank, and Charleston Bank. They were costly buildings, fitted up with marble mantels, floors of terra cotta tiles, counters elaborate in carved work, and with gorgeous frescoing on the walls. The rooms are silent now. The oaken doors splintered, the frescoing washed from the walls by the rains which drip from the shattered roof, the desks are kindling wood, the cornice-work has dropped from the ceiling to the ground, the tiles are ploughed up, the marble mantels shivered, the beautiful plates of the windows lies in a million fragments on the floor. In short the banks have broke 1 They helped on the rebellion—contributed of their funds to inaugurate it, and invested largely in the State stock to place, the State on a war footing. By a document which has fallen into my hands and which lies before me, I notice that the three banks already named held on January 6, 1862, six hundred and ten thousand dollars' worth of the seven per cent. State stock, issued under the act of December, 1861.

Passing from the banks to the hotel I found a like scene of destruction. The door of the Mills house was open. The windows had lost their glazing and were boarded up. Sixteen shots have struck the building. The Charleston Hotel has several great holes in the walls.

The churches have not escaped. St. Michael's, the oldest of all, has been repeatedly struck. The pavement is thick, with broken glass which has been rattled from the windows by the explosions of the shells. All the churches in the lower portions of the city are wrecks.

In that corner of the State occupied by Federal troops, of which Beaufort is the principal place, apart from the military and naval headed a mass State Convention was held on Tuesday, April 17. The call for the Convention invited the people of the State “without distinction of color” to participate in the election of delegates to the Baltimore Presidential Convention. About one hundred and fifty colored persons, and two-thirds as many whites, assembled and selected twelve whites and four Africans as delegates. A series of resolutions was also adopted. These delegates, however, although admitted to seats, were not allowed to take an active part in the proceedings of the Convention.

The secession State Government held the control of almost all the State, and continued in undisturbed operation through the year. The Legislature, when in session, adopted resolutions expressive of its unshaken purpose to secure independence and separation from the Northern States and declaring the importance of restraining the Richmond Government strictly within the exercise of powers delegated to it in its Constitution. On the subject of peace the views expressed by Governor Bonham, in his message to the Legislature, prevailed, as follows:

Those in whom the treaty-making power of the Confederate Government resides have done all they Page 753 can, with propriety, to show the North and the world that we are desirous of peace. The President of the United States, on the other hand, has repeatedly declared that there can be no peace without submission on our part, and reconstruction. A people who, under such circumstances, could be induced to persist in efforts to obtain peace, outside of the constitutional mode, are already subjugated. Such a course, with the blood of their sons and brothers still moist on their soil, the wrongs of their outraged women still unavenged, the ruins of their residences and granaries still .# would be unbecoming the great Confederate people, who, four years since, with so much unanimity and enthusiasm, resolved to maintain at every cost their right to abolish the former government “and to establish a new government, laying its foundation on such principles, and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness.” We can obtain no peace that would not degrade us, except such as we shall secure by the defeat of our enemies.

On December 19th new State officers were inaugurated, viz.: A. G. Magrath as Governor, and H. R. McGaw as Lieut.-Governor. In his inaugural the Governor thus endeavors to arouse the energies of the people:

While I would stimulate into activity all the resources we may have, and prepare for the maintenance of those rights to which we are entitled, I have the utmost confidence that in this we shall surely §. the way to that peace which we all so much desire, and which our enemies have hitherto denied us. I have no hope in their forbearance; for I have no belief in their humanity. I have no reliance in their moderation; for I have no faith in their justice. When their hope of success shall fade away, and that it will do when they realize the unalterable purpose by which we are animated, then will they think of peace. And that peace only will be lasting which rests upon the conviction of our strength; as that peace only can be honorable which involves the admission of our independence. Let not the apprehension that we are exhausted find place in our minds, or its poison sicken our hearts. What people have ever struggled for more than the boon we seek to secure? What people, even amid the proud list of European dynasties, could have sustained for four years such a war as that waged upon us (and at the close of that period have still maintained in the field an army, in numbers, in confidence, and in discipline, equal to that which rallies under our banners). Other nations, for lesser pur}. have striven longer, endured more than we have, and won for themselves imperishable honor. Let us, not hesitate in our purpose or falter in its execution.

With a voting population of forty-seven thousand the State furnished to the rebel army sixty-five thousand men. Of all the persons who might have claimed exemption from military service, less than one hundred were within the limits of the State. Notwithstanding the defiant spirit shown by the Governors, the State was regarded as too thoroughly exhausted to permit another man to be taken from her agricultural or mechanical interests.

TENNESSEE. That portion of Tennessee not in the possession of the enemy, continued without change under the authority of the military Governor, Johnson, until the beginning of 1864. Measures were then commenced for the purpose of reconstructing a State Government in sympathy with the Union. On January 26th Governor Johnson issued a proclamation for an election of certain officers on March 5th. This election was to be held in the various counties of the State, “or wherever it is practicable so to do,” for justices of the peace, sheriffs, constables, trustees, circuit and county court clerks, registers, and tax collectors. The qualifications required of electors were thus stated:

But inasmuch as these elections are ordered in the State of Tennessee, as a State of the Union under the Federal Constitution, it is not expected that the enemies of the United States will propose to vote, nor is it intended that they be permitted to vote, or hold office. And in the midst of so much disloyalty and hostility as have existed among the people of this State toward the Government of the United States, and in order to secure the votes of its friends, and exclude those of its enemies, I have deemed it proper to make known the requisite qualifications of the electors at said elections. To entitle any person to the privilege of voting, he must be a free white man, of the age of twenty-one years, being a citizen of the United States and a citizen of the county where he may offer his vote six months preceding the day of election, and a competent witness in any court of justice in the State, by the laws thereof, against a white man, and not having been convicted of bribery, or the offer to bribe, of larceny, or of any other offence declared infamous by the laws of the State, unless he has been restored to citizenship in the mode pointed out by law. And he must take and subscribe before the judges of election the following oath:

I solemnly swear that I will henceforth support the Constitution of the United States, and defend it against the assaults of all its enemies; that I will hereafter be, and conduct myself as a true and faithful citizen of the United States, freely and voluntarily claiming to be subject to all the duties and obligations, and entitled to all the rights and privileges of such citizenship; that I ardently desire the suppression of the present, insurrection and rebellion against the Government of the United States, the success of its armies and the defeat of all those who oppose them, and that the Constitution of the United States, and all laws and proclamations made in pursuance thereof, may be speedily and permanently established and enforced over all the people, States, and Territories thereof; and further, that I will hereafter aid and assist all loyal people in the accomplishment of all these results. So help me God.

And all the judges, officers, and persons holding the election, before entering upon their respective duties, in addition to the oath now required by the laws of the State, shall take and subscribe the same oath, and also that they will permit no one to vote who has not taken and subscribed the oath above set forth, or refuses to do so.

The proclamation was preceded by a public meeting in Nashville on January 21st, relative to a restoration of the civil Government. A large number of persons were present, resolutions were adopted and Governor Johnson addressed the assemblage. He thus stated his views on the manner of reconstruction:

The election of the primary officers, such as justices of the peace, constables, etc., is fixed by the constitution of the State on the first Saturday in March, and the Executive should say to the people of that State to go to the ballot-box on that day and elect constables, justices, sheriffs, county trustees, and clerks. And when elected, let them be commissioned as they ordinarily are. The agent of the Government supplies the vacuum. Is there any thing outside of the principles of the Constitution in ; Is there any usurpation in it? There must be a beginning somewhere. Don't we all know that in the absence of government there must be something done, seemingly irregular, for the purpose of bringing back order? Then we take a step without precedent, but clearly justifiable, and proceed to elect our officers as we have done heretofore. We look in the various judicial districts of the State, and find they are vacant for judges; we turn to the laws and Constitution of the State, and find that when vacancies occur by death, resignation, or otherwise, the Executive shall make temporary appointments, and these appointees shall hold their places until their successors are elected and qualified. Then, don't we see how easy the process is? Begin at the foundation, elect the lower officers, and then come up to the judiciary, and put it in motion, wherever it can be. But it might be said this can’t be done in all the counties. Well, if it is done in a half dozen counties, it is so much done, and that much done we can do more.

A question arose among some of the judges appointed to hold the election, whether it was not sufficient to require of the voters the oath of the President's amnesty proclamation. This caused the following correspondence:

Nashville, February 20, 1864.

Hon. W. H. Seward, Secretary of State, Washington, D. C. 

In county and State elections must citizens of Tennessee take the oath prescribed by Governor Johnson, or will the President's oath of amnesty entitle them to vote? I have been appointed to hold the March election in Cheatham County, and wish to act understandingly.

                                          WARREN JORDAN.

In reply. Washington, February 20, 1864.

WARREN Jordan, Nashville :

In county elections you had better stan. By Gov; Johnson's plan, otherwise you will have conflict and confusion. I have seen his plan.

                                       (Signed) A. LINCOLN.

The result of the election was stated by the press of Nashville to have been a failure. A large number of soldiers and employés of the Government who had been stationed at Nashville for six months voted, but the people Page 764 refrained from appearing at the polls. The “ Union,” the political paper of Governor Johnson, said: “We might as well speak out plainly, and confess to the world, that what was called an election, Saturday, at least so far as Nashville is concerned, was a serious farce. And it would be well if those in authority would observe a like candor, and thereby save scandal to the Government, or at least to this administration.” No further steps toward reconstruction appear to have been taken as a consequence of this election. An effort is made in the following statement of the “Argus,” published in Memphis, in General Washburne's military department, early in June, to explain the numerous failures in the attempts at reconstruction:

It is quite natural for absent Tennesseeans, who observed the interest taken by the State in the work of restoring her to her old position in the Union, as evinced by her public journals, and also notice, that notwithstanding the movement alluded to, we are just where we were a year ago, to inquire what we are doing. With the people of the State so much divided in sentiment º: proper policy to be pursued, it could scarcely be supposed that the entire proposition of any one party or clique would be endorsed. Some wanted one thing and some wanted another. While all desired a restoration to the State of civil government and her former position in the Union, all could not unite upon one basis of action. The Amnesty Proclamation came most opportunely. Although all did not endorse every thing it contained, it was undoubtedly the most feasible reposition offered, and there is little doubt that our-fifths of the Union men of the State were willing last spring, and are willing to-day, to reorganize the State in accordance with its provisions. The work was commenced, but soon abandoned. The military Governor of the State, it was soon announced, o posed the plan, and as much depended upon his coöperation, means were soon found to clog the movement. That Tennessee is not to-day in the full enjoyment of all her rights as a State of the Union is not the fault of the people of Tennessee, but of Governor Johnson and the radical clique, who were then as they are now, opposed to reorganization, except upon their own terms—in exact accordance with their own ideas and isms.

We do not believe, with our contemporary, that if the people, without paying attention to Governor Johnson, were to proceed with the work of reorganization, he could persuade the Administration “to intervene with the bayonet,” and there is no good reason why the people should hesitate to proceed in this work, regardless of Governor Johnson. As long as the people allow Governor Johnson to have his own way undisturbed so long will he thwart every effort at reorganization which does not originate with him.

Meantime, in May, a convention was held in East Tennessee, at Knoxville, to take such action as might be necessary to restore civil government in the State. A committee appointed on the subject presented a majority and minority report. The former was in spirit and substance in harmony with the Crittenden resolutions of 1861, and the latter recommended the abolition of slavery in the State, the enlistment of negroes, and the renomination of Mr. Lincoln. Here this movement ended.

On August 3d, a call was published in Nashville for a convention of loyal citizens to meet in Nashville on September 5th, relative to the reorganization of the State. On that day the convention assembled. Delegates from the east and south were prevented from attending by a raid of General Wheeler, and an adjournment was suggested but not approved. The convention organized by the appointment of Samuel Milligan, President. The Committee on credentials reported the following resolutions:

Resolved, That all delegates who may have been regularly appointed by loyal primary county conventions, shall be admitted to the floor.

Resolved, That all unconditional Union men, who are for all the measures of the Government looking to putting down the rebellion, from the different counties of the State, shall be qualified to participate in the deliberations of this convention; and that all persons claiming seats, under this resolution, be requested, with as little delay as possible, to hand in their names to the committee on credentials.

This report was adopted. A committee on business for the Convention reported, on the 7th, that a convention elected by the loyal people should assemble at an early day to revise the State Constitution; that the Union people of Tennessee should hold an election for President in November; that the electors should be free white men, for six months residents of the State, and have voluntarily borne arms in the Federal service during the present war and are in the service or honorably discharged, and all known active friends of the Government of the United States in each county; that the citizen electors should be registered; that polls should be opened at the county seat of each county, and guarded and protected so as to secure a free and fair election, and also polls opened for soldiers; that the State militia should be immediately enrolled, organized, and armed; that the proceedings of the convention at Baltimore should be adhered to and supported as due alike to self-preservation and self-respect; and that agents should be appointed to look after the interests of Tennessee soldiers and their families. The report was adopted without opposition. On the next day a Presidential electoral ticket was adopted by the Convention. A further report was made by the business committee, expressing the sense of the Convention as in favor of the complete suppression of the rebellion, the immediate abandonment of slavery, and its prohibition in future by all suitable and proper amendments to the State Constitution, which was adopted. Three members of the committee declared their non-concurrence in this portion of the report relating to the immediate abandonment of slavery; subsequently two of them withdrew this declaration. On the next day, the 8th, the business committee made the following report, which was adopted unanimously:

Resolved, That as a means of ascertaining the qualifications of the voters, the registers and officers holding the elections may examine the parties upon oath touching any matter of facts, and should be required to take and subscribe to the following oath, viz. §. oath being prima facie evidence subject to be approved by other testimony):

Page 765

Oath. I solemnly swear that I will henceforth support the Constitution of the United States, and defend it against the assaults of all its enemies; that I am an active friend of the Government of the United States, and the enemy of the so-called Confederate States; that I ardently desire the suppression of the rebellion against the United States; that I sincerely rejoice in the triumphs of its armies and navies, and in the defeat and overthrow of the armies and navies of all armed combinations in the interest of the so-called Confederate States; that I will cordially º all armistices or negotiations for peace with rebels in arms, until the Constitution of the United States, and all laws and proclamations made in pursuance thereof, shall be established over all the people of every State and Territory em: braced within i. National Union; and that I will heartily aid and assist the loyal people in whatever measures may be adopted for the attainment of these ends; and further, that I take this oath freely and voluntarily and without mental reservation. So HELP ME GOD.

Resolved, That the offices of the State of Tennessee should be filled by none but truly loyal men, the unfaltering friends of the National Union, and that : doubtful men should be at once removed from office.

Resolved, That we do cordially approve and endorse the policy and course of Governor Andrew Johnson as military Governor of the State.

Resolved, That an Executive Committee of five from each division of the State be appointed, who shall have, power, among other, things, to fill all vacancies that may occur in the electoral ticket. Resolved, That the military Governor of , the State of Tennessee be requested to execute the foregoing resolutions in such manner as he my think will best subserve the interests of the Government.

On September 7th Governor Johnson issued a proclamation, stating that as military Governor he should proceed to appoint officers and establish tribunals, as he had heretofore done in all the counties and districts of the State wherever the people gave evidence of loyalty and a desire of civil government, and a willingness to sustain the officers and tribunals. All officers were required to take the oath recommended by the Convention, and all cases, civil and criminal, coming before the judicial tribunals of the State involving the rights of colored persons, were to be adjudicated and disposed of as free persons of color.

On September 30th the Governor issued another proclamation, in which, after quoting the resolutions adopted by the Convention relative to the Presidential election, relative to the qualifications of electors and those above mentioned, relative to the oath to be taken by voters, he thus proceeds: And whereas, it further appears from the proceedings of said Convention, “That the military Governor of the State of Tennessee is requested to execute the foregoing resolutions in such manner as he may think best subserve the interest of the Government.”

And whereas, I, Andrew Johnson, military Governor of the State of Tennessee, being anxious to cooperate with the loyal people of the State and to encourage them in all laudable efforts to restore the State to law and order again, and to secure the ballot box against the contaminations of treason by every reasonable restraint that can be thrown around it, I do, therefore, order and direct that an election for President and Vice-President of the United States of America be opened and held at the county seat, or other suitable place in every county in the State of Tennessee, on the first Tuesday after the first Monday in the month of November next, at which all citizens and soldiers, being free white men twenty-one years of age, citizens of the United States and for six months prior to the election citizens of the State of Tennessee, who have qualified themselves by registration, and who take the oath prescribed in the foregoing resolution, shall be entitled to vote, unless said oath shall be disproved by other testimony, for the candidates for President and Vice-President of the United States.

And to the end that the foregoing resolutions, which are made part of this proclamation, may be faithfully executed, and the loyal citizens of the State, and none others, be permitted to exercise the right of suffrage, I do hereby appoint the several gentlemen whose names are affixed to this proclamation to aid in said election and superintend the registration of the loyal voters in their respective counties, as provided by the fourth resolution above quoted.

But as the day of election is near at hand, and there may be difficulty in completing the registration within the time limited, it is not intended that the registration be an indispensable prerequisite to the qualification of the voter; and in such cases, where it has been impracticable, and where the voter is of known and established loyalty, he shall be entitled to vote, notwithstanding he may not have registered his name as required by the foregoing resolution.

The election shall be opened, conducted, returns made, &c., in all respects, as provided for by the fourth chapter of the “Code of Tennessee,” except so far as the same is modified by this proclamation.

But, in cases where the county courts fail or neglect to appoint inspectors or judges of election, and there is no sheriff or other civil officer in the county, qualified by law to open and hold said election, the registering agents, heretofore appended, may act in his stead, and in all respects discharge the duties imposed in such cases upon sheriffs.

In like manner, it is declared the duty of military officers commanding Tennessee regiments, battalions, or detached squads, and surgeons in charge of the hospitals of Tennessee soldiers, to open and hold elections on the day aforesaid, under the same rules and regulations hereinbefore prescribed, and at such suitable H. as will be convenient to the soldiers, who are hereby declared entitled to vote without oath or registration.

In testimony whereof, I, Andrew Johnson, military Governor of the State of Tennessee, do hereunto set my hand, and have caused the great seal of the State to be affixed at this department, on the 30th day of September, A. D. 1864.

By the Governor,                          ANDREW JOHNSON.

Attest: Edward H. EAST, Secretary of State.

The Presidential electors who had been appointed by the Convention were in favor of K. Lincoln for President. Another list of Presidential electors in favor of General McClellan, was selected by persons not in sympathy with the State Convention. On the appearance of this proclamation of Governor Johnson these Presidential electors united in a protest, addressed to President Lincoln. They state the object of their protest in these words:

SIR: The undersigned, loyal citizens of the United States and of the State of Tennessee, on their own behalf, and on behalf of the loyal people of our State, ask leave to submit this K. º: the proclamation of his excellency, Andrew Johnson, military Governor, ordering an election to be held for President and Vice-President, under certain regulations and restrictions therein set forth. A printed copy of said proclamation is herewith enclosed. The Constitution of the United States provides “that each Page 766 State shall appoint, in such manner as the Legislature may direct, a number of electors,” &c. Under this provision of the Federal Constitution the Legislature of Tennessee, years before the present rebellion, prescribed the mode of election to be observed, which will be found to differ essentially from the mode prescribed by the military Governor. We herewith enclose a copy of the law of Tennessee governing the holding of said election. The military Governor expressly assumes, by virtue of authority derived from the President, to so alter and amend the election law of Tennessee (enacted under authority of the Constitution of the United States, as above set forth), as to make the same conform to his own edict as set forth in the proclamation aforesaid. He assumes so to modify our law as to admit persons to vote at the said election who are not entitled to vote under the law and the constitution of Tennessee. Instance this: our constitution and law require that such voter shall be a citizen of the county wherein he may offer his vote for six months next F.; the day of election; while the Governor's order only requires that he shall A. other qualifications named) be a citizen of Tennessee for six months, &c. This provision would admit to vote many persons not entitled by law. We will, for the sake of brevity, pass over some less important points of conflict between the proclamation and the law, but will instance in this place another. By our law it is provided that the polls shall be opened in every civil district in each county in the State; but the proclamation provides only for their being at one place in each county. This provision would put it out of the power of many legal voters to exercise the elective franchise.

They further protest against the oath required as impracticable, unusual, and a test oath. Many other objections are added. They further protest against the interference of the Governor with the elective franchise, and ask that all military interference shall be withdrawn “so far as to allow the loyal men of Tennessee a full and free election. By the loyal men of Tennessee we mean those who have not participated in the rebellion or given it aid and comfort, or who may have complied with such terms of amnesty as have been offered them under your authority.”

This protest was laid before the President on October 15th, by Mr. J. Lellyett, one of the signers and one of the nominated Presidential electors. He published a statement of this interview, of which the following is the material part :

                                               Washington, October 15.

To the Editor of the World :

I called upon the President to-day and presented and read to him the subjoined protest. Having concluded, Mr. Lincoln responded:

“May I inquire how long it took you and the New York politicians to concoct that paper.””

I replied, “It was concocted in Nashville, without communication with any but Tennesseeans. We communicated with citizens of Tennessee outside of Nashville, but not with New York politicians.”

“I will answer,” said Mr. Lincoln ...emphatically, “that I expect to let the friends of George B. McClellan manage their side of this contest in their own way; and I will manage my side of it in my way.”

“May we ask an answer in writing,” I suggested.

“Not now. Lay those papers down here. I will give no other answer now. may or may not write something about this hereafter. I understand this. I know you intend to make a point of this. But go ahead, you have my answer.”

“Your answer then is that you expect to let General McClellan's friends manage their side of this contest in their own way, and you will manage your side of it in your way?”

“Yes.”

I, then thanked the President for his courtesy in giving us a hearing at all, and then took my leave.

Judge Mason, of this city, was present at the interview, to whom I refer in regard to the correctness of this report. On stepping outside of the door of the executive mansion I immediately wrote down the President's emphatic response, and submitted it to Judge Mason and another gentleman who happened to be present, and they both pronounced it accurate.

                                                              JOHN LELLYETT.

The following certificate accompanied it:

                                                         Washington, October 15.

John Lellyett, Esq. :

DEAR SIR: In compliance with the request in your note of this day, I have only to say that I was present at the interview referred to. Your statement of what took place is substantially correct; and on all material points I believe it literally so. Yours truly,

                                                                CHARLES MASON.

Subsequently, on October 22d, the President made the following reply:

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, October 22, 1864.

Messrs. Wm. B. Campbell, Thos. A. R. Nelson, James T. P. Carter, John Williams, A. Blizzard, Henry Cooper, Bailie Peyton, John Lellyett, Esq. Etheridge, John D. Perryman.

GENTLEMEN: On the 15th day of this month, as I remember, a printed paper, with a few manuscript interlineations, called a protest, with your names appended thereto, and accompanied by another printed §. purporting to be a proclamation by Andrew Johnson, military Governor of Tennessee, and also a manuscript paper purporting to be extracts from the Code of Tennessee, was laid before me. [Here the President inserts the protest, the proclamation of Governor Johnson, and extracts from the laws of Tennessee.]

At the time these papers were presented, as before stated, I had never seen either of them, nor beard of the subject to which they relate, except in a general way, only one day previously. Up to the present moment nothing whatever upon the subject has passed between Governor Johnson or any one else connected with the proclamation and myself. , Since receiving the papers, as stated, I have given the subject such brief consideration as I have been able to do in the midst of so many pressing public duties.

My conclusion is that I can have nothing to do with the matter, either to sustain the plan as the Convention and Governor Johnson have initiated it, or to revoke or modify it, as you demand. By the Constitution and laws the President is charged with no duty in the conduct of a Presidential election in any State; nor do I, in this case, perceive any military reason for his interference in the matter.

The movement set on foot by the Convention and Governor Johnson does not, as seems to be assumed by you, emanate from the National Executive. In no proper sense can it be considered other than as an independent movement of at least a portion of the loyal people of Tennessee.

I do not perceive in the plan any menace of violence or coercion toward any one. Governor Johnson, like any other loyal citizen of Tennessee, has the right to favor any political plan he chooses, and, as military Governor, it is his duty to keep the peace among and for the loyal people of the State. I cannot discern that by this plan he purposes any more.

But you object to the plan. Leaving it alone will be your perfect security against it. Do as you please on your own account, peacefully and loyally, and Governor Johnson will not molest you, but will protect you against violence so far as in his power.

I presume that the conducting of a Presidential Page 767 election in Tennessee in strict accordance with the old code of the State is not now a possibility.

It is scarcely necessary to add that if any election shall be held, and any votes shall be cast in the State of Tennessee for President and Vice-President of the United States, it will belong, not to the military agents, nor yet to the Executive department, but exclusively to another department of the Government to determine whether they are entitled to be counted, in conformity with the Constitution and laws of the United States.

Except it be to give protection against violence, I decline to interfere in any way with any Presidential election.

                                                   ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

Subsequently, on October 29th, Messrs. Campbell, Peyton, and Lellyett, made a reply to the President's letter, which concludes thus:

After consultation with our friends, therefore, in different parts of the State, and having communicated with nearly all of our colleagues, we respectfully announce to the people of Tennessee that in view of what is set fifth above—in view of the fact that our people are overawed by military power, the laws set aside and violated with impunity—and in view of the fact that we have appealed in vain to the President, whose duty it is “to see that the laws be faithfully executed,” and that those who act by his authority shall hold sacred the liberties of the people; in view of these things we announce that the McClellan Electoral Ticket in Tennessee is withdrawn.

An election was held on November 8th, but the vote of the State was not counted in the returns of the Electoral College by Congress.

The Convention which assembled in September and nominated an electoral ticket also appointed a State Executive Committee. This Committee issued a call in December, inviting the people of Tennessee to meet in Nashville in Convention on January 9, 1865, to nominate a ticket, which it was generally understood would consist of one hundred names of persons to compose a second convention. It was intended that this second body should revise the State Constitution and submit their work to the people for approval.

The Convention thus invited by the Committee assembled at Nashville on January 9th, and was organized by the election of Colonel S. K. Rodgers, President; Col W. B. Wilson, Colonel W. K. Hall, and General A. C. Gillem, Vice-Presidents. On taking the chair the President made some explanations as to the object of the Convention. He said:

It was the design to nominate delegates to a State Constitutional Convention, to reform the State Government. We were now at a dead lock; something must be done to set the wheels of the Government in motion. . The State has been redistricted by a bogus Legislature, which could not be recognized without recognizing secession. The convention of delegates to be chosen could redistrict the State; and we should have one as speedily as compatible with the public interest. The work was a great and important one; and he hoped there would be harmony among delegates. We must have civil government. The army cannot altogether put down guerrillas; but with the aid of civil government, with a Governor and judiciary, all could be easily effected. Besides, we must have representatives in the National Congress; and to do this we must adapt the State Constitution to existing circumstances, and have a legislature. tion to act on the subject.

A report made by the committee on credentials was laid on the table and the following resolution adopted:

Resolved, That all delegates who give an active support to the Union cause; who have never voluntarily borne arms against the Government; and who have never voluntarily given aid and comfort to the enemy, be entitled to seats in this Convention.

On Tuesday, January 10th, a business committee was appointed, to whom all resolutions were referred. The day was occupied in discussing the basis of voting in the Convention, and resolutions were adopted giving one vote to each county, and one in addition for each one hundred, or fraction over fifty Union votes cast in 1861. Great opposition was made to this basis of voting by delegates from Middle and West Tennessee, where the Confederate force interfered with the election.

On the third day (Wednesday), in order to avoid dissatisfaction, this basis of voting was reconsidered and withdrawn. The convention was then occupied with speeches on general topics, awaiting the report of the business committee, which was presented during the afternoon. There was both a majority and minority report on the amendments proposed to the Constitution. There was no serious disagreement between both reports, but they differed in opinion on the power of the convention to act on the subject. The majority report urged action on these grounds:

The first Article and the first Section of the Declaration of Rights in the Constitution of the State of Tennessee, declares: “That all power is inherent in the people, and all governments are founded on their authority, and instituted for their peace, safety, and happiness; and for the advancement of these ends they have at all times an inalienable and indefeasible right to alter, reform, or abolish the government in such manner as they may think proper.” Therefore, a portion of the citizens of the State of Tennessee and of the United States of America, in convention assembled, do propound the following alterations and amendments to the constitution, which, when ratified by the sovereign loyal people, shall, be and constitute a part of the permanent Constitution of the State of Tennessee.

The minority report was made by only one member of the business committee, J. R. Hood, of Hamilton County. The report says:

Whilst agreeing with the majority of the committee in most of the amendments proposed, and not desiring to divide the .*Pººl. of Tennessee by any premature discussion of them, yet we cannot, consistent with our ideas of the motives for which this convention was called, and by authority of which it is now assembled, agree with them in their opinion, that the powers conferred on this body justify, it in adopting any amendments to the organic law of the State. The following—among others—are the reasons which induces us to adopt this course:

1. The call under which this body is assembled, does not authorize any such action. In fact, the specific object is there stated, being only advisory in its character, and looking to the assembling hereafter of a duly elected and qualified body of delegates, clothed with full power to make all necessary amendments.

2. Many of the delegates now present inform us that no meetings were held in their counties authorizing them to act in a representative character, and that they are here only as individual members of the Union organization of the State.

3. We feel the danger of treading in the footsteps -even by implication—of the leaders, of the rebellion in the State of Tennessee, under Isham G. Harris, who inaugurated and set on foot the ordinance of secession by the legislative body, then assembled, and its subsequent ratification by the people on June 8th, 1851, and whose action was openly and publicly condemned by us because of its revolutionary, rebellious, and unauthorized character.

4. The majority of your committee, we understand, agree with us in the legality of the course hereafter proposed by us, whilst we cannot agree with them in the assumed right and power of resolving ourselves into , a constitutional convention, clothed with the authority of changing the organic and fundamental law of the State, and thereby depriving the people of the rights which belong to them alone. or these reasons and many others which will readily suggest themselves to the mind of the intelligent loyalist, we offer this resolution:

Resolved, That the acting Governor of the State of Tennessee be instructed and requested to issue writs of election to be holden on the 22d day of February, 1865, for the election of one hundred delegates on the general ticket system, who shall assemble at Nashville on the 4th day of March thereafter, to take into consideration such measures as will make the organic law of the State homogeneous with the liberal policy of the Government of the United States, their action to be submitted to the people for ratification or rejection on April 20th, 1865.

The amendments to the Constitution recommended by the report of the majority proposed the abolition of slavery; the appointment by the Governor and Senate of judges of the Supreme Court; the qualification of voters, allowing all persons of color who could be witnesses to vote; together with a schedule of measures relating to local concerns of the State. On Thursday, the fourth day, January 12th, 1865, the various propositions were discussed, and at night the Convention adjourned to hear an address from Governor Johnson.

On the next day, Friday, the question of power in the Convention was discussed during the forenoon, when the business committee withdrew the report of the majority, and substituted a revised report, which proposed merely the abolition of slavery. After some discussion the question was taken on a motion to substitute resolutions of Colonel Butler for the amended report of the business committee. These resolutions declared distinctly that the Convention would exceed its powers by taking the action proposed in the majority report. The vote was 113 for the resolutions and 161 against them. Many delegates had gone home. Says one correspondent: “The great speech of Governor Johnson fixed the course of action irrevocably. The party favorable to postponement gradually crumbled away, lost its identity, and on the final vote upon the amended resolutions manifested nearly as much enthusiasm as their original supporters.” The report of the committee adopted was as follows:

The first Article and the first Section of the Declaration of Rights in the Constitution of the State of Tennessee, declares: “That all power is inherent in the people, and all free governments are founded on their authority, and instituted for their peace, safety, and happiness; and for the advancement of these ends they have at all times an inalienable and indefeasible right to alter, reform, or abolish the Government in such manner as they may think proper.” Therefore, a portion of the citizens of the State of Tennessee and of the United States of America in convention assembled, do propound the following alterations and amendments to the constitution, which, when ratified by the sovereign loyal people, shall be and constitute a part of the permanent Constitution of the State of Tennessee.

PROPOSED ALTERATIONS AND AMENDMENTS.

 Art. 1, Sec. 1. That slavery and involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime, where the party shall have been duly convicted, are hereby forever abolished and prohibited throughout the State.

Sec. 2. The Legislature shall make no law recognizing the right of property in man.

There was also adopted a schedule which repealed the section of the Constitution which forbid the General Assembly to pass emancipation laws; annulled the military league made with the Confederate States ; also the declaration of independence and secession ordinance; suspended the statute of limitations from May, 1861; actions for torts began by attachments, may proceed without personal service of process on the defendant; annulled all laws and ordinances of the seceded State Government; deprived the Legislature of power to pay bonds, interest, or debts contracted or issued by the seceded State Government, and affirmed all civil and military appointments of Governor Johnson. These amendments were to be submitted to a vote of the people on February 22d; and if adopted by the people, a State election was to be held on March 4th ensuing, for Governor and members of the Legislature, the latter to be voted for by general ticket upon the basis prescribed by act of February 19th, 1852. The Legislature was required to assemble on April 3d.

The following resolutions accompanied the amendments and schedule relating to voters:

Resolved, That the elections in the several counties shall be held at their county seats, or other convenient places in the counties, by the following named persons, to wit:

Resolved, That when the above amendment of the Constitution of the State of Tennessee shall be submitted to the qualified voters of the State for their ratification or rejection, and at the first election held under said Constitution as amended if ratified by the É. le, no person shall be permitted to vote unless e first take the following oath at the polls; and the name of each voter shall be written upon the back of his ticket, and it shall be the duty of judges and clerks of said elections to preserve said tickets and file them with the clerks of the county courts of their respective counties for future reference. Provided, however, That this oath shall not be required of the citizens who are well known to the judges of the election to have been unconditional Union men. Provided, also, that voters otherwise qualified, may vote within any county of the State, and if in the military service, wherever they may be on the day of election, and that the commanding officer of each regiment, battalion, detachment, battery, or hospital, is empowered to hold such elections.

I solemnly swear that I will henceforth support the Constitution of the United States, and defend it against the Page 769 assaults of all its enemies: that I am an active friend of the Government of the United States, and the enemy of the so called Confederate States; that I ardently desire the suppression of the present rebellion against the Government of the United States; that I sincerely rejoice in the triumph of the armies and navies of the United States and in the defeat and overthrow of the armies, navies, and all armed combinations in the interest of the so-called Confederate States; that I will cordially oppose all armistices or negotiations for peace with rebels in arms, until the Constitution of the United States and all laws and proclamations made in pursuance thereof, shall be established over all the people of every State and Territory embraced within the National Union; and that I will heartily aid and assist the loyal people in whatever measures may be adopted for the attainment of these ends; and further, that I take this oath freely and voluntarily and without mental reservation. So help me God.

Resolved, That the returns of this election shall be made to the Secretary of State, and that the result be declared by the proclamation of the acting Governor.

Resolved, That the Convention do nominate and offer to the people, a candidate for Governor, and that the delegates from the several Senatorial and Representative districts be requested to nominate and present to the Convention candidates for their respective districts, to be placed upon the general Legislative ticket. Provided, that nothing in this resolution shall be construed to prevent the people in the different counties making nominations for candidates for the Legislature.

The Convention then nominated W. G. Brownlow for Governor, and Senators and Representatives of the Legislature, and persons to hold the elections in the different counties. It then adjourned.

The vote on the proceedings of the Convention was taken on February 22d, 1865. In East Tennessee, 15 counties, the vote for ratification was 9,605; for rejection 9; in Middle Tennessee, in 21 counties the vote for ratification was 11,377, for rejection 37; in Shelby County, West Tennessee, the vote for ratification was 873; for rejection 2. The vote of the Tennessee troops was, for ratification 3,438; for rejection 0. Total for ratification 25,293; do. for rejection 48.

The vote of the State at the Presidential election in 1860 was 145,333. The vote of the State on the election of delegates to the State Convention in 1861 was as follows:

                                         Union        Disunion.

East Tennessee...............30,963.............5,577

Middle Tennessee……  36,909………9,828

West Tennessee............ 24,091.............9,344

                                       91.803           24,749

24,749

Union majority........ 67,054

A proclamation was issued by Governor Johnson declaring the amendments to the Constitution to be ratified. An election was subsequently held for Governor and members of the legislature, on a general ticket, and carried without opposition. W. G. Brownlow was chosen Governor. The subsequent events belong to the record of 1865.

The military operations in the State were confined to raids by the enemy with the exception of the advance of General Hood upon Nashville. (See ARMY OPERATIONS.) The distress of the inhabitants, especially in East Tennessee, became most severe. It was stated, in an address to President Lincoln, that of a voting population of 35,000 Union men in East Tennessee, 15,000 to 18,000 had stolen away from home and enlisted in the Union army in Kentucky; that the enemy in 1861 took 60,000 hogs, and other stock in proportion; that Burnside's, Sherman's, and Longstreet's armies had exhausted the remaining supplies; that probably not five per cent. of the usual breadth of wheat could be sown in the spring of 1864, as the fences had been destroyed and the farms left desolate. Even the supply of seed for the common products of farms was gone. Contributions were sent by the Northern people to aid the sufferers.

The permanent Federal military posts were at Memphis and Gallatin in West Tennessee, Nashville and Murfreesboro in Middle Tennessee, and Knoxville in East Tennessee. In the vicinity of these posts detachments were also stationed. At the commencement of the year the Confederate General Longstreet held a line in East Tennessee extending from Strawberry Plains to Sevierville, and numerous skirmishes took place between the hostile forces before Longstreet withdrew to Virginia. The attack on Fort Pillow, in West Tennessee, and the raid of General Forrest at that time, are stated under the title of ARMY OPERATIONS; also the defeat of General Sturgis in his march from Memphis toward Mississippi. In August East Tennessee was invaded by Wheeler, and much damage was caused in the destruction of the railroad, burning of bridges and depots. On September 4th General Gillem surprised and defeated the small force of the guerrilla John Morgan at Greenville, in East Tennessee. Morgan had sought to rest himself for the night at a private house, when the occupant, Mrs. Williams, the wife of a member of General Burnside's staff, informed the Federal forces, a number of whom arrived in season to slay him as he attempted to escape from the house. General Gillem took about seventy-five prisoners. The important military movements in East Tennessee, near the close of the year, will be found under ARMY OPERATIONS. In Middle Tennessee, early in September, General Wheeler appeared with his force, consisting of several thousand horsemen and several sections of artillery. His advance came within the neighborhood of Murfreesboro. Nearly half the railroad between that post and Nashville was destroyed. This expedition was soon followed by another under General Forrest, which came near Tullahoma, and destroyed a few miles of the railroad and cut the telegraph wires in several places. The raid of the enemy, however, was a success. Three regiments of Federal infantry and several pieces of artillery were captured; one of the regiments, the 110th colored, was reported to have been treated as prisoners of war. Several miles of trestle-work and several bridges were also destroyed by Forrest.

The permanent occupation of Nashville as a military base for the Federal army caused a most rapid development of the social evil Page 770 known as the prostitution of women. Its effects upon the army were so bad as to require the interference of military authority. This authority was exercised to restrict and regulate the evil.

Early in the summer of 1863, General R. S. Granger, then commanding this post, was “ daily and almost hourly beset by the commanders and surgeons of regiments urging him to devise some method (in order to preserve the health and efficiency of their troops) to rid the city of this class of women.” The first arrangement that suggested itself was expulsion. They were collected together, and put on board a steamer. “On the 8th of July the boat, with her remarkable crew, shoved off from her moorings. On reaching Louisville, Kentucky, where they were directed to discharge their freight, the authorities refused to receive any such commercial articles. The manager of the boat then took them to Cincinnati, where a similar fate awaited them. By an order from Washington, the boat was directed to return. She arrived and discharged her miserable cargo on August 3, 1863.”

Sickness among the soldiers increased at once, and again the officers renewed their complaints and demands for a remedy. The Provost Marshal, Colonel Spaulding, of the 18th Michigan infantry, subsequently of the 12th Tennessee cavalry, proposed, with General Granger's permission, to institute a plan for the preservation of the health of the city in this particular. The General endorsed his scheme, and it was put in operation at once. He proposed that these persons should be compelled to report to a medical officer for examination, and if found to be free from contagious diseases, permitted to pursue their vocation; on condition, first, that they should pay a fee for this license, and secondly, that they should submit at stated periods to a medical inspection. Whenever they were found to be diseased, they were to be sent to a hospital and not permitted to leave it until they were cured.

For the first certificate of health one dollar was charged; for the license five dollars; for every subsequent certificate one dollar. This money was to be applied to the support of a hospital.

On the 20th of August a notice was served on every public woman to report, under penalty of arrest and imprisonment in the workhouse for not less than thirty days.

After a trial of some months, the plan was completed ; and now, every ten days, these people are obliged to report to the surgeon. Two special hospitals were established at Nashville; one for unfortunate females and the other for their male counterparts in the army. These were placed under the charge of Surgeon W. M. Chambers, U. S. volunteers, with Surgeons Fletcher and J. J. O'Reilly as assistants.

Up to the 1st of January, 1864, sixty patients had been placed in the hospitals and restored to health. Had no such institution existed, it is probable that there would have been many hundreds of other patients in the military hospitals alone, not to speak of citizens and their innocent victims in private life.

Eleven have been reformed, and are now living virtuous unmarried lives; and at least thirty-two have forsaken their old mode of existence, and are married women. And this, too, without any special effort at their reformation; for the hospital is simply a medical institution, established solely for the purpose of preserving the health of the army.

Of 126 women, of whose biographies Dr. Chambers has taken notes, only four were educated, and they were driven, they say, to a vicious life, by the mistreatment of friends and husbands. 

The majority of the women, he believes, are led to adopt this deplorable expedient for support by the cruelties of friends. The majority of them were left without parents, and the mistreatment of guardians drove them to the streets. One in six are impure from choice, or are the victims of the inherited malady, known in medical science as nymphomania. A very large majority—the doctor thought four-fifths —could be restored to a virtuous life, if the proper efforts were made for their rescue.

The number of patients in the hospital averages from five to ten; it has been as high as twenty-eight; every arrival of troops from the front or the North invariably increases the sick list. Excepting at such times, sickness is very seldom contracted in the city; it is imported. The statistics show that officers are more immoral than the enlisted men; yet hardly once a month now (whereas formerly it was a daily incident) is a prescription made for them. The plan has saved thousands of men from the sick list, thereby promoting the efficiency of the army. One report concludes in these words:

The method adopted in the army at this post has met with the hearty approval of all classes of society, commencing with the lieutenant-general commanding the armies of the United States, and of all citizens who have had the subject before them, together with the unfortunates themselves; and I will add, that if a similar plan had been adopted at the various cities North, where the troops went to or passed through them veteranizing, there would not have been one case of sickness where now there are twenty. The facts of this hospital bear me out in this conclusion.

The most noteworthy of these facts is the startling announcement that out of nineteen hundred and two soldiers, patients at the military special hospital, only twenty-four of them contracted their maladies in Nashville. Complaints from officers have entirely ceased.

After an experience of one year, Dr. Chambers wrote:

From carefully kept statistics I am more than ever impressed with the opinion that the system is attended with the very best results to the army, and hope now soon a like plan shall be adopted in all the cities where troops are stationed. Already surgeons have been sent there from Memphis and Louisville to examine into the working of the plan in the city, and I Page 771 have no doubt these cities will have similar systems in a short time.

There are between three and four hundred of these persons in Nashville. The fees paid to the medical officers entirely support the hospital. The adoption of this plan, therefore, in other cities, will be attended by no expense; on the contrary, it would save, if universally adopted, millions of dollars and hundreds of lives every year.

TEXAS. Agricultural labors in Texas were exceedingly prosperous in 1864. Large numbers of slaves had been brought into the State from Arkansas, and Mississippi, and Louisiana for safety, so that labor became abundant. The crop of cotton was estimated at five hundred thousand bales, thus exceeding the crop in all the other cotton-growing States, which was estimated at four hundred thousand bales. The crop of corn was estimated as sufficient to furnish a supply for two years.

The control of the Richmond Government over the people was in a great measure lost by the Federal occupation of the Mississippi River. The troops raised in Texas during the year remained west of the Mississippi, and took no part in the great campaigns in Georgia and Virginia. The rule of the secessionists was as severe as at any previous period, and those who were known to entertain Union sympathies experienced great suffering.

The military operations in the State were confined to some movements on the Western border, of little importance. Brownsville, opposite Matamoras, was opened to trade by a proclamation of the President, in February; but the Union forces were subsequently withdrawn.

In the latter part of the year the successes of the Federal troops in the East had produced an effect on the public mind; the Union sentiment became more open and avowed, and a disposition was manifested to make peace.

VIRGINIA. The questions which engrossed the attention of the authorities of Virginia related exclusively to the war; its success absorbed all their thoughts. The Legislature was urged to pass such laws as would bring into the field all the able-bodied men not necessary to the State Government. Thus far every officer had been exempt, although without any duties to perform. Between forty and fifty counties of the State were within the Federal lines, and the original State officers in these counties had fled to Richmond. The average number of officers in these counties was about sixty, and it was estimated that they would form a force of two thousand men. By the decisions of the courts they were exempt from military service, notwithstanding they had no civil duties to perform. The Governor thus viewed the subject:

If all officers designated in the Constitution, and in the laws made in pursuance thereof, are to be exempted because they are State officers; if Justices of the Peace, who, by-the-bye, were never exempted until the 1st of October, 1862, having from the revolution to that period been required to perform military duty; if all sheriffs and clerks and their deputies, all commissioners of the revenue, all surveyors and Commonwealth attorneys, all constables and overseers of the poor, all county agents for supplying soldiers' families, all salt agents, commercial agents, etc., all employés of banks, cities, towns, etc., are to be exempt, indiscriminately and without reference to their necessity, then, indeed, in the language of the decision so frequently quoted, the spectacle might be presented of a nation subjugated and destroyed at a time when it had within its limits citizens supply sufficient to defend it against all the assaults of the enemy, but whose services could not be commanded because, forsooth, Government had contracted with them that they should not be required to serve in the army.

The Governor further recommended the passage of a law authorizing the issue of a proclamation warning all citizens of Virginia in foreign parts to return without delay to the State; failing in which, beside personal penalties their property of every description should be confiscated, and their families sent into the Federal lines.

The free negroes became quite disorderly, and in the towns, especially Richmond, they were guilty of many outrages on persons and property. It was said: “They are found coöperating with the enemy, and occasionally indulging in the utterance of treasonable sentiments and threats against their fellow-citizens.”

The question of arming the slaves created great discussion. It was said that the North had exhausted all her floating population, and openly recruited her armies on the continent of Europe. Not content with this she had seized their slaves, and in violation of all civilization had armed them against their masters. Under every disadvantage the war had been protracted deep into its fourth year, and the Southern people found themselves looking around for material to enlarge their armies. Whence was it to come? The laws of natural accretion would not furnish a sufficient supply of men. Foreign countries were in effect closed. Recruiting from the prisoners would not, except to a limited extent, supply the wants, and public attention naturally turned to the slaves as a ready and abundant stock from which to draw.

Some considered this policy as giving up the institution of slavery; others declared that if the slaves were put into the ranks it would drive out the whites from them, and diffuse dissatisfaction throughout the Confederacy. In reply it was said that the policy would effectually silence the clamor of the poor man about this being the rich man's war; and that there was no purpose to mingle the two races in the same ranks, and that there could not be a reasonable objection to fighting the enemy's negroes with their slaves.

As to the abandonment of slavery, it was said that it had been already proclaimed to be at an end by the North, and would undoubtedly be so if the South was subjugated, and that by making it aid in the southern defence, it would improve the chance of preserving it.

There was a unanimous opinion in favor of using the slaves in the various menial employments of the army, and as sappers and miners and pioneers, but much diversity as to using them as soldiers.

The measure was finally approved by the Legislature of Virginia, and adopted by the Congress at Richmond, but too late to be of any advantage.

A comparison of the census of Virginia, taken in 1860, with the census of 1863, showed that of the number of slaves in the whole State in 1860, only 3,803 had been lost above the natural propagation and other increase. Of horses in that portion of the State under Confederate control the loss was 25,201. In 1860 the number of cattle returned for taxation in the entire State was 1,021,132, or ninety-seven for every Page 809 one hundred white persons. In 1863 the number of cattle within the territory, free from the occupation and incursions of the Federal army, was 507,152, to which add 8 per cent., the usual difference between the actual and taxable numbers, and there were 547,724 cattle within Confederate control in the last-mentioned year, which is one hundred and five head of cattle to every one hundred white inhabitants.

The returns show an increase of 72,336 sheep, and a loss of 156,970 hogs in the counties and corporations under the rebels.

At an election for State officers William Smith was chosen as the successor of Governor John Letcher.

An address was issued to the soldiers of Virginia by the Legislature in March, urging to extreme sacrifices and efforts of bravery as certain to be followed with triumphant success.

The desolation which followed the track of the armies is very graphically described by one who beheld them, as follows: When we get to Hamilton Crossing the desolation of war breaks upon you. A few trees remain upon the hills near the side of the º but there is not a fence or an inhabited house all the way to Fredericksburg. A few cattle may be seen grazing on the rich plains, which bear now but crops of luxuriant weeds. These cattle belong to the people of Fredericksburg, who club together and hire a poor old man to attend them while grazing.

There are no hands to work in the fenceless fields, no signs of animated life about the deserted houses. The drowsy crow of the cock, the neighing of horses, the cawing of crows, and the laughter of children in the yard, and the “wo-haw” of the plough-driver, are no longer heard in the blasted region. All is still as death for miles and miles under the sweet autumnal sun.

Fredericksburg itself is torn by a hurricane. Much of it has been burnt, and the tall chimneys standing all alone tell a woeful tale of ruin. Part of the town is destroyed }. fire caused by shell, and part by the torch. All the lower and upper portions º the town have been so shattered as to be uninhabitable; the stores have been gutted of their shelving and counters to make dry places for the countless thousands wounded at the Wilderness and Spottsylvania to lie on.

The churches have been repeatedly struck, and so have most of the private dwellings. I counted thirty holes in the fine mansion of Douglas Gordon, which was, nearly complete before the war broke out. A shell has passed diagonally through the house in which I stayed, and one had exploded in the parlor over which I slept. Looking out of my bedroom window I saw naked chimneys and deserted homes in every direction.

I went to Marye's Hill, and saw the famous stone fence which served as a rampart for our men. walked over the wide fields which the enemy had to pass before they got within range of our rifles, and stood under the tree which Cobb leaned against when he was killed. This tree is just behind the house of a Mr. Stephens—a small frame building—which must have at least a thousand bullet holes through and , through it.

The stone fence is at the bottom of a hill, and on that hill is the fine old homestead of the Maryes, now gone to wreck, with countless apertures made b shot and shell, and open to all the winds that blow. Ah, it was a sad thing to tread the deserted halls and chambers of the old house, and hear only the echo of your own footsteps.

I went over into Stafford County, opposite Fredericksburg, and there is a wide, wild scene of devastation—neither fences nor trees for leagues on leagues, houses deserted and burnt, and so many roads to the enormous camps of Hooker, which extended nineteen square miles, that the oldest inhabitants are in danger of losing, themselves in their own country. The Lacy House is a baronial pile in the extent of its buildings, and its terraced grounds and gardens are in keeping.

Ruin reigns there also. The walls of the large old-fashioned rooms, and even the pillars of the porches are scrawled and described with obscure names an obscene phrases and pictures. Further back on high hills, commanding the whole country, are the walls of the Phillips House, which was burnt by Stoneman. What a picture of ravaged beauty is to be seen from the heights on which this house stands !

Strange to tell, Stafford County, naturally sterile and sparsely peopled, is now richer and more thickly than it has been since the colonial days. It is a debatable land, in which neither Confederate nor Federal rule is acknowledged, and it is filled with deserters who have grown rich by gathering and selling the immense debris of Hooker's camps to Washington or to Richmond purchasers, as happened to be most convenient; for these lawless people care little for either side.

I saw in Fredericksburg, and at Hamilton Crossing, great piles of old iron and fragments of tents, blankets, and overcoats, which were just ready to be sent to Richmond. A number of refugees have returned to Fredericksburg, which contains now some 600 or 700 souls, principally women and old men.

VIRGINIA, EAST. The Convention called in 1863 to assemble at Alexandria on February 13th, 1864, to amend the Constitution of the State of Virginia, was duly held. The following is a list of the members representing all the counties of Old Virginia under Federal control, but not included in West Virginia:

Alexandria County—Walter L. Penn.

Alexandria and Fairfax Counties—S. Ferguson Beach.

Fairfax County—John Hawxhurst.

Norfolk City and County—Dr. L. W. Webb and W. W. Wing.

Portsmouth City, County, and Senatorial District— G. R. Boush, P. G. Thomas, and LeRoy G. Edwards.

Loudoun County—Dr. J. J. Henshaw, James M. Downey, and Lieut. E. R. Grover.

York, Warwick, and Elizabeth City Counties and City of Williamsburg, Charles City, James City, and New Kent Counties—T. S. Tennis and Robert Wood.

Accomac County—Dr. A. Watson and W. Dix.

Northampton County—Wm. P. Moore.

An organization was effected and committees appointed, as usual with such assemblages. The Committee on Emancipation duly reported the following amendment to the Constitution of the State of Virginia, as sections to be incorporated in that instrument:

1. Slavery and involuntary servitude, except for crime, is hereby abolished and prohibited in the State forever.

2. Courts of competent jurisdiction, may apprentice minors of African descent, on like conditions provided by the law apprenticing white children.

3. The General Assembly shall make no law establishing slavery or recognizing property in human beings.

4. This ordinance to take effect and be enforced from its passage. This was adopted, and comprised the most important business before the Convention.

A session of the Legislature was held Page 810 previously. On the evening of February 4th both Houses met in joint session to elect a Secretary of State and Treasurer. L. A. Hagans was chosen Secretary, and J.J. Henshaw, Treasurer. The total vote on joint ballot was 14, of which Henshaw received 8 and his opponent 6. Notwithstanding the election of a Governor (Pierpont) and other State officers, and the organization of a Legislature, the authority of the Government appears to have been very little respected by the military officials. The following protest of Governor Pierpont explains one of the difficulties which occurred:

                                     EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT, 

                          ALEXANDRIA, VA., June 22, 1864.

To the Loyal People of Norfolk, Virginia:

I have received reliable information that General Shepley, commanding at Norfolk, acting under the orders of General Butler, intends ordering the opening of a poll in that city on the 24th instant, to take a vote of the people as to whether they desire the continuance of civil government, and that, should a majority of the votes cast be against the same, it is the intention of the commandant of the post to prevent, by military force, the trial in the Circuit Court of said city some thirty odd indictments against liquor venders for violations of the license law of the State.

I know of no authority in the State or Federal laws authorizing the people to abrogate the civil laws of the State in any city or county, and such act can only be considered revolutionary. The Constitution of the United States guarantees to each State a republican form of government. That form of Governernment exists in Norfolk at this time, and to break it up would only be to substitute military government or rule in its stead, which would clearly be a violation of the Constitution of the United States and its guarantees to the people. , No loyal citizen, therefore, is expected to vote on the proposed question.

                                           F. H. PIERPONT, Governor.

The election was duly held, and its result announced in an official order of General Butler, as follows:

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT VIRGINIA AND NORTH                           CAROLINA, IN THE FIELD, June 30, 1864.

The loyal citizens of Norfolk determined, with a unanimity almost unexampled, by a vote of three hundred and thirty to sixteen, against the further trial of the experiment of a municipal government which gave as results to them only taxes and salaried officers, without any corresponding benefits.

It will be observed that this vote was more than three times as large as that by which the experiment of civil government was set on foot. Some doubts upon the legal formality of this vote were attempted to be cast by interested parties, and proclamation was made that the adherents and salaried officers of the restored Government should not vote upon the question submitted. Yet that it was an overwhelming expression of the opinion of the citizens is seen from the fact that three hundred and fifty votes were cast upon the º while only one hundred and nine were cast by all parties for their respective candidates to fill the several civil offices.

Now, as there were at least two sets of candidates voted for, containing a list of some forty-five officers who would have it. in the civil government in each set, it would seem that but twenty votes were cast for city officers except by those who were interested in being elected—assuming always that the men running for office in a city vote for each other. It is the duty and province of the Government of the United States to afford protection to all its citizens in the manner most effectual and beneficial to them, and, so far as consistent with the Constitution and laws, in such manner as they desire; and all experience has shown that, in a disorganized state of society, incident upon a state of war, and especially civil war, a military government, properly administered, affords the best protection to property, liberty, and life.

Whether that military government has been properly administered in the city of Norfolk, during the two years that it has been under military rule, and especially whether that military government has been properly administered during the past eight months, and has secured the substantial benefits of good government, in the city of Norfolk, it is not proper for this order to state.

The citizens of Norfolk have spoken upon that subject with sufficient distinctness to inform them of the Commanding General before,

Therefore it is ordered, That all attempts to exercise civil office and power under any supposed city election, within the city of Norfolk and its environs, must cease, and the persons pretending to be elected to civil offices at the late election, and those heretofore elected to municipal offices since the rebellion, must no longer attempt to exercise such functions; and upon any pretence or attempt so to do, the Military Commandant at Norfolk will see to it that the persons so acting are stayed and quieted.

The Judge of the Circuit Court, before whom the cases alluded to by Governor Pierpont were to be tried, made a lengthy statement of the difficulty, with the opinion of Attorney-General Bates against the action of the military, and the promise of the President to decide the matter. But the military authorities prevailed. Many other difficulties also occurred.


Source: The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.