The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.

Confederate States in 1862, Part 1: Alabama through Louisiana

SOUTHERN STATES – CONFEDERATE – 1862

ALABAMA, one of the States bounded on the south by the Gulf of Mexico contains, an area of 50,722 square miles and in this respect is the fourteenth in comparative size. In population it is the thirteenth in rank, containing 964,201, of whom 526,481 are whites, 2,690 free colored, and 435,080 slaves. Of the whites 270,11)0 are males; 256,081 females; of the slaves 217,766 are males and 217,314 females. In density of population it is the twentieth in rank, having 19.01 inhabitants to the square mile. Its ratio of increase per square mile, during the last ten years, has been 3.80. The number of slaves manumitted during the ten years preceding 1860 was 101, and the number of fugitives was 36. The mortality in the State during the year ending May 31st, 1860, was 12,760, of whom 6,753 were males, and 6,007 females. The most fatsrt diseases were consumption, croup, diarrhoea, typhoid fever, and pneumonia. The number of violent deaths was 549 males and 856 females, nearly all of which were accidental. Deaf and dumb, 235. The value produced in iron founderies during the same period was $142,480; coal 10,000 bushels; value of lumber produced $2,017,641. Flour and meal, $807,502. Spirituous liquors distilled, 528,800 gallons. Capital invested in cotton manufactures, $1,306,500; Spindles 28,540, looms 663; annual products, $917,105. Capital invested in the manufacture of woollen goods, $100,000; spindles, 1,000; looms, 20. Annual products, $218,000. Value of leather produced, $340,400. The improved lands amount to 6,462,987 acres and the unimproved 12,687.913 acres. The cash value of farms is $172,176,168; value of live stock, $43,061,805. The crop of cotton amounted in 1860 to 997,998 bales of four-hundred pounds each. Wheat, 1,222,487 bushels; rye, 73,942; corn, 32,761,194; oats, 716,435; rice, 499.559 pounds; tobacco, 221,284 pounds; wool, 681,404 pounds. Miles of railroads, 743; cost of construction, $17,591,188.

The amount of cotton received at Mobile, the Page 9 only port of the State, from the first of September to the first of December, 1860, was 362,370 bales, being nearly one third of the crop raised in the State during that year. The amount received daring the same period in 1861, was 22 bales. That which was raised was kept on the plantations, as the blockade cut off all shipments. The commerce of the State was entirely destroyed, except what took place with the adjoining States. In 1862 a very short crop was produced, owing to the small breadth of land planted and the unusual shortness of the yield. The corn crop was also short, but sufficient for home consumption. The wheat and oat crops were an entire failure, owing to an unprecedented drought, which continued through twelve weeks.

Alabama is rich in mineral treasures. Lead and saltpetre, which were greatly needed by the Confederate Government, exist within her limits, and vigorous efforts were made to procure them. Four caves in the State were worked for nitre, which yielded in a few months over twelve thousand pounds, at a cost of seventy-five cents per pound.

The arrival of the Federal forces under General Benjamin F. Butler at Ship Island, at the beginning of 1862, caused great alarm at Mobile. It was supposed that an immediate attack would be made upon that city. The governor, John Gill Shorter, on the 1st of March issued a proclamation to arouse the people to action. He requested the citizens and directed the military officers to burn " every lock of cotton within the State, if it became necessary to prevent it from falling into the hands of the public enemy. He further urged them not to plant one seed of cotton beyond their home wants, but to put down their lands in grain and every other kind and description of farm produce, and to raise every kind of live stock, which might contribute to the relief of the needy families of the soldiers of the army. There were at that time eighteen hundred persons supplied with the necessary articles of food at the free market, which had been opened in Mobile. He further appealed to the people to contribute their shot guns to arm the soldiers, saying:

Men, brave and gallant men, responding to the call of their bleeding country, are rushing by thousands to the field. Their cry is for arms with which to engage the foe. People of Alabama! will you not commit your arms into their hands? People of Alabama! will you not send the shot guns and rifles rusting in your houses, that I may place them in the hands of your own sons to defend your altars and your homes? Agents are appointed all over the State to collect arms. It they do not find you I beg you to find them. Let every sheriff and judge of probate, and all State officers, civil and military, receive and forward arms. Expenses will be promptly paid by the State.

Let every man do something toward arming our troops, if he cannot go to the battle field. Turn jour shops into laboratories for the manufacture of arms and munitions of war. Send me thousands of shot guns and rifles, bowie knives and pikes. Send powder and lead and ball. What you cannot afford to give, the State will buy. Let the entire resources and energies of the people be devoted to the one great purpose of war—war stern and unrelenting—war to the knife— such a war as, in the providence of God, we may be compelled to wage in order to vindicate the inalienable right of self-government.

About the same time, the militia of the counties of Mobile, Washington, Clark, Baldwin, Marengo, Choctaw, Sumter, Green, Perry, Wilcox, Monroe, Dallas, Pickens, Tuscaloosa, Bibb, Shelby, Covington and Antigua were ordered to hold themselves in readiness to be called out for ninety days. The entire body of militia in these populous counties was to take the field, and in addition sixty companies of volunteers. Each company was to consist of one captain, one first and two second lieutenants, five sergeants, four corporals, and not less than sixty-four nor more than one hundred privates. Each company was also to be provided with at least six axes, four hatchets and four shovels and ten days' rations, and be prepared as minute men to proceed to Mobile. Each man was desired to provide himself with twenty rounds of ammunition suitable for the gun he carried, and to take with him his bullet mould and powder flask.

The force which the State had contributed to the war previous to the call of President Davis for an additional quota of 12 regiments, was 22 regiments, and battalions, of at least ten companies of horse and as many of foot. The conscription act followed, by which every man between eighteen and thirty-five was declared to be a soldier. This law created much dissatisfaction in the State, and some suits were commenced to test its constitutionality, but the authorities waived the question, and sustained the Confederate Government.

On the approach of the Federal force in north Alabama {tee Army Operations), much apprehension was raised that Montgomery might be captured. At the time more than fifty thousand bales of cotton were stored there. Orders were issued by the Government, requiring the railroads to prepare transportation to remove it at once when desired by the owners, and all public drays were impressed into service to remove other portions to a warehouse without the city, where it could be burned without endangering the city. At the same time all persons were forbid to remove the cotton from their warehouses to their private residences. Great alarm was produced throughout the northern part of the State by the approach of the force under General Mitchell. It was supposed that the Federal army would cross the Tennessee river, at the extreme southward point of that river in Alabama, near Gunter's Landing. This is within fifty miles of Gadsden on the Coosa river, which distance might be passed in one day, and the passage of any more steamboats up to Rome might thus be cut off; or the boats might be seized and a force transported to Rome, where some most important establishments for the manufacture of cannon and small arms were in operation. At this point engines and cars in large numbers might also have been captured and a movement made to destroy the bridges of the railroad.

Page 10 Some expeditions were made by bodies of Federal troops to towns in the northern part of the State, during which many skirmishes occurred. The town of Athens was one of the lost in this part of the State to accede to the Confederacy. The threats of devastation by the neighboring town caused this change. Subsequently a body of Federal troops belonging to the brigade of Colonel Turchin, were retiring from the town, about the 10th of May, when some of the citizens cheered. The soldiers becoming provoked returned, and made a general onslaught upon the community; stores were sacked and dwellings plundered. The affair was subsequently investigated by a court-martial at Huntsville, and a verdict found dismissing Colonel Turchin from service. Previous to the session of the court a commission appointing him a brigadier-general was issued by President Lincoln. On the 25th of July, a guard at Courtland bridge, consisting of two Federal companies of the 10th Kentucky and one company of the 1st Ohio cavalry, were surprised and captured by a force of irregular cavalry. Some other small affairs occurred between the irregular troops of the State and outposts of the Federal forces.

The tax imposed by the Confederate Government in 1861, amounting to two millions of dollars, was paid by the State, and the Legislature also passed an act to guarantee the payment of a million and a half of Confederate bonds, and recommended a similar measure to the other states of the Confederacy.

HUNTSVILLE, the capital of Madison county, Alabama, is a beautiful town, situated on the Memphis and Charleston railroad, 116 miles south by east of Nashville. It contains numerous fine edifices of stone, churches and seminaries, and had a population of about 4,500. It was occupied during the night of the 8th of April by a division of Federal troops, under General Mitchell. This was done so quietly that the unsuspecting inhabitants were not aware of what had taken place until the troops were in peaceable possession, when consternation seized them.

ARKANSAS, one of the southwestern States, is west of the Mississippi river and south of the State of Missouri. Its population, according to the census of 1860, was 435,450, of whom 324,191 were whites; free colored, 144; slaves, 111,115. The ratio of increase from 1850 to 1860 was, whites, 99.88; free colored, 81.25; slaves, 135.91. The number of each sex of the white population was: males, 171,447; females, 152,666. The number of manumitted slaves was 41; fugitives, 28. The mortality in the State for the year ending May 31, I860, was 8,860. Consumption, fever, and pneumonia were the most fatal diseases. The number of deaf and dumb in the State was 142, of whom 15 were slaves. The product of iron founderies during 1860 was valued at $52,000. The value of sawed and planed lumber, $1,033,185. the number of gallons of spirituous liquors distilled in the year ending June 1, 1860, was 8,500, valued at $6,125. Value of leather produced, $115,375. Number of acres of improved land, Page 11 1,933,036; do. unimproved, 7,609,938. The cash value of farms was $91,673,409. Number of horses, 101,249; mules, 44,458 ; milch cows, 158,873; working oxen, 70,944; sheep, 202,674; swine, 1,155,379. Value of live stock, $22,040,211. Wheat, 955,298 bushels; rye, 77,869 bushels; corn, 17,758,665 bushels; oats, 502,866 bushels; tobacco, 999,757 pounds; cotton, 307,485 bales, of 400 pounds each; wool, 410,235 pounds; peas and beans, 439,412 bushels; Irish potatoes, 418,000 bushels; sweet potatoes, 1,462,714bushels; barley, 8,079bushels. Value of home-made manufactures, $928,481. Railroads, 38 miles.

The military movements of the Federal troops at the West in the beginning of the year excited great apprehensions in Arkansas. Already twenty-five regiments and six battalions of infantry and cavalry and ten companies of artillery, amounting to 21,500, had been sent to the Confederate army for the war. On the 18th of February Governor Rector issued a proclamation calling into immediate service every man in the State subject to military duty. They were required to appear within twenty days. On the same day a despatch from St. Louis to Washington, sent by General Halleck, announced that General Curtis had driven General Price from Missouri into Arkansas, and that " the flag of the Union is floating in Arkansas." At the same time the commandant at Pocahontas, a short distance southeast of the position of the Federal forces under General Curtis, becoming alarmed, issued the following appeal to the people:

Pocahontas, Ark., February 26, 1862. Reliable information has just been received by me that the enemy, 16,000 strong, left Greenville, Mo., on Saturday last, for the purpose of attacking Pocahontas. It now becomes the duty of every man to turn out promptly, shoulder his musket, and drive the Vandals from the State. This is probably the advance guard of a much larger force of the enemy. Come without delay, singly or in squads, and rendezvous in Jacksonport. Bring as few horses as possible, as forage is scarce.

                                                            MAJOR KEYWORTH, Com'g.

The Confederate force, retiring before General Curtis, abandoned Mudtown. They were subsequently charged with having poisoned the provisions not taken away and the wells of the town. It was reported to General Halleck that forty-two officers and men were thereby poisoned, whereupon he issued, on the 28th of February, an order, saying:

We cannot retaliate by adopting the same barbarous mode of warfare, nor can we retaliate by punishing the innocent for the acts of the guilty. The laws of war forbid this, but the same code authorizes us to retaliate upon the guilty parties.

Persons guilty of such acts, when captured, will not be treated as ordinary prisoners of war, nor will they be shot, but will suffer the ignominious punishment of being bung as felons. Officers are in a measure responsible for the acts of their troops. Officers of troops guilty of such acts, although not themselves the advisers or abettors of the crime, will, when captured, be put in irons and conveyed as criminals to these headquarters. The laws of war make it their duty to prevent such barbarities, and if they neglect that duty they must suffer the consequences.

For the important military movements in the State, see Army; Operations. It was beyond the power of the Confederate Government to send aid to Arkansas, and the State was forced to rely upon its own resources and such aid as might be obtained from Missouri, the Indian territory, and Texas. This state of affairs induced the governor, in May, to issue an address to the people, in which his indignation is expressed in these words:

It was for liberty that Arkansas struck, and not for subordination to any created secondary power, north or south. Her best friends are her natural allies, nearest at home, who will pulsate when she bleeds, whose utmost hope is not beyond her existence. If the arteries of the Confederate heart do not permeate beyond the east bank of the Mississippi, let southern Missourians, Arkansians, Texans, and the great West know it and prepare for the future. Arkansas lost, abandoned, subjugated, is not Arkansas as she entered the Confederate Government. Nor will she remain Arkansas, a Confederate State, desolated as a wilderness. Your children, fleeing from the wrath to come, will build them a new ark, and launch it on new waters, seeking a haven somewhere of equality, safety, and rest.

After the military movements in the northwestern part of the State, including the battle of Pea Ridge, General Curtis moved to the White river, and occupied Batesville about the 1st of May. Here he was met by many demonstrations of attachment to the Union. Many citizens came forward and took the oath of allegiance to the United States; these were judges of courts, clergymen, and citizens holding positions of influence. His advance being pushed forward on the road to Little Rock, a great excitement was produced there. The governor issued a proclamation calling upon the State militia to repair immediately to its defence. Finding himself not sufficiently supported, Governor Rector fled, and the State was left without any executive government. Martial law was then declared by Brigadier General. Roane, commanding the department, and George U. Watkins was appointed provost marshal. The weakness of Arkansas at this moment was caused by the concentration of all the Confederate military strength at Corinth, and her fate was as much involved in the security of that position as the fate of Tennessee or Mississippi. But while the forces of Arkansas were taken to defend Corinth, ten regiments were taken from General Curtis to reenforce the Federal troops attacking it. This left him in no condition to march upon Little Rock, and the capital of the State thus escaped being captured.

On the 19th of May a skirmish took place near Searcy, between one hundred and fifty men of Colonel (acting Brigadier General.) Osterhaus's division and a State force under Cols. Coleman and Hicks. The loss was small on both sides. Other skirmishes occurred during the march of General Curtis from Batesville to Helena, of small importance. Bridges were burned by the Arkansas troops across Bayou Des Arc and Cypress river, and about ten thousand bales of cotton on the Arkansas river, and all the cotton and sugar at Jacksonport. By the first of June, Page 12 twelve thousand men were collected at Little Rock in answer to the call of the governor, but were very destitute of arms. The State records, however, had been removed to Arkadelphia.

After General Curtis had occupied Helena, the Federal Government appointed John 8. Phelps of Missouri military governor, and Colonel Wm. F. Switzler secretary for Arkansas. He left St. Louis on August 19, for Helena. It was contemplated at this time that a movement on Little Rock would he made. This however was not done, and the office of governor became of little importance. Two regiments were organized at Helena, composed of citizens of Arkansas; they were chiefly men who had suffered in consequence of their attachment to the Union, and were refugees.

The legislative proceedings in Arkansas possess little interest. An act was passed imposing a tax of thirty dollars per bale on cotton. The object was to favor the cultivation of grain and to discourage that of cotton.

At the State election in August, Flanagan was chosen governor. The opposing candidate was Governor Rector. On the day of inauguration the 1st Monday in November, the governor elect being absent in the army, the duties of the office devolved upon Mr. Fletcher, the president of the senate. An animated contest took place between B. C. Johnson and Augustus H. Garland for the senatorship in the Confederate Congress. Mr. Johnson was elected.

The loss of all communication with the North and foreign countries, stimulated the domestic manufactures of the State. At the close of the year there was in operation a tobacco factory at Burtonville; a large cotton factory in Washington county; another for cotton and wool at Van Buren, Crawford county, another at Norristown, Pope county; another in Pike county. Large saltpetre works were set up in Newton county; and in Independence county some fine caves of the same article were mined. Lead mines in Newton and Sevier counties were worked. Salt was made on the White river, and also near the Louisiana State line. Works on the Washita, with an unlimited supply of brine, commenced vigorous operations. A cannon foundery was at work at Camden; two founderies at Little Rock were at work, one of which furnishes grapeshot for the army. At Hopefield, opposite Memphis, the machine shop of the Memphis and Little Rock railroad was turned into an armory for altering and repairing guns. Several extensive tanneries were commenced in various parts of the State. The State arsenal at Little Rock was converted into an armory for the use of the Confederate Government. At the State penitentiary, gun carriages, caissons, wagons, boots and shoes, clothing, and other material for the army were manufactured.

BATESVILLE, the capital of Independence county in Arkansas, is situated on White river 400 miles from its mouth and 90 miles north northeast of Little Rock, the capital of the State, and 115 miles from Memphis in Tennessee. Small steamers can ascend the river to I Batesville at nearly all seasons of the year. It is the most important town in that part of the State, and was thriving under the influx of emigration. Its population was nearly 3,000. It was occupied by General Curtis for some time during the spring of the year while he was waiting for supplies. These failing to reach him by the river, were finally sent by land from St. Louis.

FAYETTEVILLE, the capital of Washington county, Arkansas. flourishing schools, an institute for youth, three has an elevated and churches, a court house, and a United States picturesque situation in the northwestern part land office. The population was about 1,500. of the State, about 200 miles from Little Rock. The town was occupied by Federal troops of It was the centre of an active trade, and had the division of General Curtis, on February 18, and thus continued until they were withdrawn to the battle field of Pea Ridge, a few miles distant.

FLORIDA, which forms the South East Peninsula of the United States, contained in 1860 a population of 140,425, of whom 77,748 were white, 932 free colored, and 61,745 slaves. The ratio of increase for the previous ten years had been white 04.70, slave 57.07; total 00.59. The white male population of the State hv the census of 1800 was 41,128; female 36,619." The decrease of the slave population during the ten previous years by manumission was 17; by escapes 11. The mortality in the State for the year ending May 31st, 1860, was 1,769, of whom 979. were males, 790 females, and 829 under the age of one year. The most fatal diseases are consumption, diarrhoea, dropsy, fever, remittent and typhoid, and pneumonia. Deaf and dumb 18, of whom 9 are slaves. The product of iron foundries for the year ending June 30th, 1860, was valued at $63,000; value of sawed and planed lumber $1,475,240; flour and meal $355,066; cotton goods manufactured 840,000; value of shad fishing $08,952; value of real estate and personal property $73,101,500. Lands improved 676,464 acres, ditto unimproved 2,273,008; horses 16,502, mules, &c, 2,294, cattle, exclusive of working oxen and cows, 284,736, sheep 29.958, swine 274,314; wheat 2,808 bushels, rye 21,314 bush., corn 2,824,538, oats 46,779 bush.; rice 223,209 pounds; tobacco 758,015 pounds; cotton 63,322 bales of 400 pounds each; wool 58,594 pounds; pons and beans 364,738; sweet potatoes 1,213,493 bush.; sugar 1,761 hhds., molasses 435,890 gallons. Value of home manufactures $62,243: miles of railroads 401. The area of the State is 59,208 square miles, or 37,931,520 acres. It is divided into 33 counties. Key West is the most important commercial and military point in the State, Tallahassee is the seat of the State Government, Jacksonville has been a thriving commercial town on the St. John's river, from whence vast quantities of lumber were exported. The number of cotton plantations in 1850 was 990, and of sugar plantations 958. The Governor of the State is John Milton, whose term expires in November, 1803. The State election is on the first Monday in October, and the Legislature meets on the first Monday in November. The State of Florida quietly reposed under the flag of the Confederate States until the military and naval expeditions were sent from Port Royal by Com. Dupont to capture her towns on the eastern coast. {See Army Operations.)— These expeditions met with very little resistance. Fernandina and New Fernandina were taken on the 3d of March, Jacksonville on the 32th, next St. Augustine and Musquito Inlet. The occupation of these points and the blockade outside gave to the Federal Government the control of the whole coast of east Florida. Situated as the State was, at a distance from the seat of the Confederate Government, which required all its available force to defend the northern border of the seceded States, the Confederate Government determined to relinquish the possession of the eastern portion of the State when the attack was made on Fernandina. An order was accordingly issued by the Secretary of War at Richmond, directing the Confederate forces to withdraw from the State. All the cannon, arms, ammunition, and stores were removed at the same time. These troops were sent into Tennessee to aid in resisting the Federal forces there. The effect of these measures was to discourage the efforts of the people for the Confederate cause and to prevent soldiers from enlisting in the army. If they were to be abandoned by the Government, their services were required to defend their homes instead of going to fight abroad, was the answer to the call of President Davis for 2,500 additional troops. Early in April, the Confederate defences at the entrance of Pensacola bay were evacuated and Forts McRae and Barrancas dismantled. A few soldiers yet remained in Pensacola, having made every preparation for a hasty retreat. At the same time all the towns on the west coast of the State were either evacuated or nearly so. Tampa Bay only was held with an appearance of military possession, but the garrison was prepared to evacuate on the approach of a hostile force. The occupation of Jacksonville by the Federal forces was followed by active movements in favor of the Union, which are described in connection with the Army Operations. The position is the Key of east Florida, and it was held by about fifteen hundred Federal troops. With one or two gunboats, they were sufficient to hold the place against any force which might have been brought against them. By an order of General Hunter, commanding the department of the South, with headquarters at Port Royal, the town was evacuated. Many of the citizens of Jacksonville who had fled, were induced to return while it was occupied by this force, and avow their loyalty, by a proclamation issued by General Sherman, the predecessor of General Hunter. This promised to all good citizens protection to life and goods. By the evacuation of the town, they were deprived of this protection, and having once expressed Union sentiments, they became marked men. Fifty-four of them, embracing men, women and children, were brought to New York in a steamer, when the troops left, and others came in a sailing vessel. Although such a largo proportion of the citizens of the State had volunteered in the army, and although the crops during the year were successful, yet the Legislature, to guard against a scarcity, passed au act forbidding the exportation from the State of any beef cattle, dried or pickled beef, hogs, pork, bacon, corn, corn meal, salt, or provisions of any kind. The same act forbid any person to buy these articles for the purpose of speculation, and directed that they should be sold at a price not to exceed 33 per cent, over cost and charges. A scheme for the armed colonization of Florida was brought to the notice of the Federal Government by Eli Thayer of Massachusetts, during the year. It consisted of a proposition for an expedition of ton thousand colonists enlisted for six months, and to be supplied with arms, subsistence, and transportation by the Government, and a commander whose business it should be to occupy and hold the public lands of the State and the lands of disloyal citizens, which were to be seized for the non payment of taxes under a law of Congress passed at the session then closed. It received some consideration by the Government, but was not adopted.

FERNANDINA is at the north end of Amelia island, on the cast const of Florida, 185 miles east by north of Tallahassee, the capital of the State. It is the terminus of the railroad from Cedar Keys, on the Gulf of Mexico. The entrance to the harbor is defended by Fort Clinch, which was evacuated on the approach of the naval expedition from Port Royal on the 3d day of March.

GEORGIA, the most populous of the extreme Southern States, had in I860, 591,588 whites, 8,500 free colored inhabitants, and 462,198 slaves—total 1,057,286. The ratio of increase of the population during the preceding ten years has been: white 18.42, free colored 19.41, slaves 21.10. The white male population was 301,066; females, 290,484. The mortality during the year ending May 31, 1860, was 12,807. Fevers and pneumonia were among the most fatal diseases. The number of deaf mutes in the State was 428, of whom 83 were slaves. Of the industrial products of the State, the value of iron founding for the year ending June 1, 1860, was $79,000; coal mined, 48,000 bushels; value of lumber sawed, planed, &c, $2,064,026; capital invested in cotton manufacture, $1,854,603; number of spindles, 41,312; looms, 1,058; value of leather, $393,164; boots and shoes manufactured, $857,267. Value of real estate and personal property, $645,895,237; acres improved land, 8,062,758; do. unimproved, 18,587,782; cash value of farms and plantations, $152,072,803. Horses, 130,771; asses and mules, 101,069; milch cows, 299,688; working oxen, 74,487; other cattle, 631,707; sheep, 512,618; swine, 2,036,116. Wheat produced, 2,544,913 bushels; rye, 115,532; corn, 30,776,293; oats, 1,281,817; rice, 52,507,652 pounds; tobacco, 919,316; cotton, 701,840 bales of 400 pounds each; wool, 946,229 pounds; pens and beans, 1,765,214 bushels; potatoes, Irish, 316,552; do. sweet, 6,50.8,541; barley, 14,082; cane sugar, 1,167 hogsheads; molasses, 546,770 gallons. Length of railroads in the State, 1,404 miles; cost of construction, $29,057,742. 

Tho commerce of the State being entirely cut off, and a general stagnation prevailing in business, the military affairs of the country became the engrossing topic with the people. The same sanguine confidence which had sustained their efforts during the first nine months of the war still existed at the beginning of 1882, notwithstanding the aspect of affairs was changing. Their enemy, the Federal troops, was concentrating in powerful force on the islands adjacent to the coast. Certain of the leaders of secession who were the senators or representatives of the State in the Confederate Congress, aware that an invasion of the territory was to be expected, had united in issuing an address to the citizens. See page ,

This address recommended them to destroy their crops, especially cotton, and lay waste the country on the approach of the enemy. It was a confession of weakness, and recommended to the people of this once flourishing State a system of measures which they refused to adopt. Its effect, however, was to discourage the confidence of the people in the success of the war. Upon the call of President Davis upon the governor of the State, Joseph E. Brown, for troops, soon afterward, it was necessary to resort to a draft to obtain them. This draft took place in Savannah on the 4th of March. One military company of the city, the Mitchell Guards, was induced to volunteer toward making up the quota; but few others were added to the voluntary list. An immense crowd appeared before the officers on the day of the draft in Savannah and preferred their excuses. A large number of them were aliens, while others were invalids, all showing a disinclination to enter the army. In fact, at this time a large portion of those who had been in service refused to enlist, and a large party of the citizens of the State were dormant or indifferent as to the state of affairs. The same feeling existed widely in ether of the Southern States. In central Mississippi most frantic appeals were made at this time to the lagging masses, while the people in the northern part of that State, like those in the same hilly latitude through Georgia and Alabama, were, from the first, largely Unionist, and waited as it was charged, "one-half to stare at, and the other half to welcome the approaching Federal forces." In other portions of the seceded States the same feeling existed. Even in South Carolina, upon a call of the governor for five thousand fresh troops, under the penalty of a draft, only nine reenlisted out of a regiment which had tried the war. The conscription act of the Confederate Congress was the salvation of the Confederate army in the year 1862.

The capture of Fort Pulaski, at the entrance of the Savannah river, on April 11, caused great excitement in the city of Savannah. A citizen has thus described it:

I can give you but a faint idea of the consternation the capture produced. Since the abandonment of the design by the enemy to bring in gunboats from Waifs Cut the confidence of the citizens became more assured, and the wisest hoped that the fort, which thereupon became the key and safety of Savannah, would be enabled to detain the enemy for an indefinite time. The blow has been suddenly and totally unlooked for, and equally unprovided for. The enemy will not wait long to attack the batteries about Fort Jackson. Their heavy ships have entered the river above Pulaski as high as Venus Point, only seven miles below, and are in plain view of the defences of the city of Savannah. How long they will be able to withstand an attack, let Pulaski be your teacher. We will be driven from them as surely as we now accept the fact of the loss of Pulaski. The city has been in intense excitement between the bold and rapid advances of the Federals and the terribly unnerving taps upon the shoulder which the Brown satellites, under General H. R. Jackson, without form of law or authority, inflict Our citizens (the few who remain) have been arrested .on the street, dragged to camp, shown a tent, and informed that there their Page 494 habitation should be. And this has been done by a parcel of beardless boys, who have been mustered into the State service. Cotton has been removed, such as remained in store here, to the railroad. Ordnance stores and every variety of equipments have been thrown out and carted to the same receptacle for Government stores. Schooners have been seized, and some, already tilled with earth, are ready to be sunk below, in common with the hulls of Com. Tatnall's fleet, which will never more venture beyond Savannah river. The Fingal, which now lies near Fort Jackson, is also to be sunk, and the gunboats—one of which is nearly ready for launching —will, if the enemy sooner advances, be given to the devouring flumes. Women are leaving, and property of all kinds is being sent off, and will soon line the Central road from Savannah to Macon, rendering every log house a palace, if rosewood and satin damask can do it.

The demand for soldiers before the Confederate conscription act took effect was such as to cripple the manufacturing establishments so much that they could hardly fill the orders of the Government. As the Federal forces advanced to make their attacks upon the coast, at Brunswick and Darien, these towns were entirely abandoned by the inhabitants. (See Abut Operation's.) The defences of Savannah, however, were completed for the purpose of making a successful resistance whenever it should be attacked. They extended from the Savannah river, north of the city, to the Louisville road, thus making a circuit of earthworks. To supply the necessities of the soldiers, the governor, acting under authority from the Legislature, seized nearly $350,000 worth of goods in Augusta, under a promise to pay at reasonable rates. To make up for the deficiency of weapons, the governor ordered twenty thousand pikes and bowie knives to be made. Distilleries were also ordered by him to be closed after the 15th day of March, throughout the State. The penalty on a refusal to obey this order .was a seizure of the still, and its removal to the Government foundery at Rome, there to be. manufactured into cannon. All liquor brought near military encampments was to be seized and emptied on the ground. In Fulton county, the grand jury were instructed by the Supreme Court to find bills of indictment against all foreign born citizens who had once exercised the right of citizenship and subsequently claimed exemption from military service in the Confederate army on the ground that they were subjects of a foreign government. The act was held to be a misdemeanor, or punishable by imprisonment in the penitentiary. The conscription law of the Confederate Congress met with serious opposition in the State. In some of the northern counties it has never been executed. The governor took decided ground against its constitutionality. (See Confederate States.) In the Legislature, at its session in November, the subject was referred to a joint committee of both Houses on Confederate relations. This committee made two reports. The majority report declared that Congress had no right to compel the citizens of the States to bear arms except by a requisition upon the several States for their quotas, allowing each State to exercise such compulsion as might be necessary, and to appoint the officers for her own troops. It also recommended the adoption of the following resolutions:

Resolved, That all laws passed by the Confederate Congress to raise armies from the arms-bearing people of the States by compulsion, and without requisitions upon, or concurrent action of the States, arc unconstitutional, and within our power to be declared void. While Georgia makes this declaration, she also declares her willingness and determination to furnish to the end of this unjust and wicked war which our enemy is waging upon us, as she has done from the beginning of it, all just quotas of troops that may be required of her in a constitutional way.

Resolved, That under the Constitution of the Confederate States and the laws of this State, all the troops which Georgia has sent to the field under requisitions from the Confederate Government, have the right to elect the officers who are to command them, and that the laws of Congress which deny or impair this right arc unconstitutional, and in our power to be declared void.

Resolved, That while the foregoing resolutions express our fixed conviction, we are still willing to leave the conscript acts undisturbed in their operation, reserving to the State and her people such rightful remedies as may be demanded by future emergencies. The report of the minority took the ground that the safety of the States demanded that no opposition should be made to any measures adopted by the Confederate Congress in the exercise of powers granted and intended for the common defence; and they recommended to the people of Georgia to acquiesce in the decision of the supreme judicial tribunal of their State, and the governor to countermand any and all orders which he might have issued to suspend the execution of these acts in the State upon the citizens subject thereto. The Supreme Court of the State, on the 11th of November, decided that the conscription law was clearly constitutional under that provision of the Constitution which gave to Congress the power to raise armies, distinguished from the power to call out the militia.

The views of Governor Brown were stated in a correspondence which took place at this time. General Mercer, in command of the defences of Savannah, wrote to the governor on the 7th of November, stating that an order from the Secretary of War, received that day, withdrew from him all power to retain the negroes then working upon the fortifications of Savannah. Every one would probably leave him in a few days; he, therefore, made a requisition on the governor for fifteen hundred to work on the defences. The governor, in communicating this letter to the Legislature on the 10th, said:

I also append a letter from him dated the 8th instant, in response to one from me asking to make an urgent appeal to the Secretary of War to send to Savannah reinforcements at an early day.

It will be seen by reference to the first of these letters that the Confederate general looks to Georgia for the means to defend her seaport city.

While the right is denied to the State by the Page 495 conscription act to call into the field and retain in her service any portion of her organized militia, or any part of the material of which it is composed, to defend herself against the invader at a time when the Confederate force within the State is inadequate to the task, the War Department has withdrawn from the general in command the powers to retain the labor necessary to complete the fortifications which are indispensable to a successful defence. I submit the question to the action of the General Assembly, and recommend that prompt provision be made to the extent of the ability of the State for the carrying out your resolution for the defence of the city to the last extremity. In view of the fact that Georgia has furnished about seventy-five thousand troops to the Confederacy, who have rendered the most distinguished services on almost every battle field of the war, I cannot forbear the expression of my deep regret that so few of them should be permitted to return to her bosom to strike for their homes at a time of so much peril, when the right even to supply their place in the field, upon her soil, with others now at home, is denied to the State.

Three days later, on the 13th, the governor sent to the Legislature another communication, accompanied by a letter from Colonel Henry H. Floyd, of Camden county, complaining that on the 4th of November three companies of negroes landed at St. Marys, and after insulting the few ladies remaining there, and perpetrating many thefts, retired to the gunboats without the slightest molestation. On the same day all the salt works in the county were destroyed. Colonel Floyd asked for an order to call out the militia for three or six months. Adjoining counties on the coast could add to those in Camden county sufficient to make a considerable force, who, being well acquainted with all the localities, could make a better defence than strangers. The governor also adds, as follows:

It cannot be denied that the State owes it to her citizens, so long as she claims their allegiance, to afford them all the protection in her power. The Constitution of this State having invested me for the time with the chief command other militia, I should, under ordinary circumstances, have had no hesitation in issuing an order calling out the whole militia of the county, and of the adjoining counties, if necessary, to protect our citizens, and especially the women, against the outrages of invasion, robbery, and insult by negroes.

Under the acts of the Confederate Congress, and the late decision of our Supreme Court, the authority to command the militia of the State, even for the protection of our mothers and wives, our sisters and daughters, against the brutality of our own slaves in a state of insurrection, seems to be denied to the Governor, as each man composing the militia of the State, except the officers, is declared to be subject to the command of the President without the consent of the Executive of the State. It follows, therefore, that if the Governor should order out the militia in this pressing emergency, which admits of no delay, to protect those citizens of Georgia to whom no protection is afforded by the Confederacy, the President may countermand the order, and compel each person so called out to leave the State and go to the utmost part of the Confederacy to protect those who are not citizens of this State. The State has reserved to herself the right under the Constitution to  “engage in war" when "actually invaded," and to "keep troops" while she is invaded. That authority which has the right to take from her this power, without which no State can exist, has the power to destroy her.

I believe it is admitted, however, by high authority in this State, that the creature has no power to destroy the creator, the child no power to destroy the parent, and the parent no right to commit suicide. If this be true, the Confederate Government, which is admitted to be the creature of the States, can certainly have no power to deny to the States, which are the creators, the use of their own militia to protect their own inhabitants against the invasion of the enemy, and unbridled, savage cruelty of their slaves in actual insurrection; nor can that Government, as the child, destroy the parent by paralyzing her right arm when raised to ward.oil"a blow struck at her very vitals; nor, indeed, can the parent, which is the State, commit suicide by surrendering the command of her entire militia when she is invaded, and her people are left without other sufficient protection, her by removing her obligation to protect her citizens, and thereby forfeiting their allegiance.

Placed as I am in this embarrassing condition, when helpless innocence calls upon the State for protection, and when the Constitution of this State end the Confederate States seems to point clearly to the path of duty upon the one band; but when the acts of Congress, and the decision of our own Supreme Court, rendered under heavy outside pressure, and, if not ex parte, under most peculiar circumstances: when the counsel on both sides, who bad brought the case before the Court, agreed that in their individual opinions the decision should be as it was made, I deem it my duty to submit the question to the General Assembly, who as a coordinate branch of the Government represent the sovereign people of the State, and to ask your advice and direction in the premises.

If you should hold that the Governor no longer has the right to command the militia of the State for the protection of her people, it only remains for me to inform the people of Camden, and the ladies of St. Marys that, while the State collects taxes and requires them to bear other public burdens, she withdraws her protection from them, and leaves them to the mercy of negro invaders, who may insult and plunder them at pleasure. Should you hold, on the contrary, that the Governor still has the command of the militia of the State, and that she has the right to use her own militia for the protection of our homes, I shall not hesitate to call them forth, and to bold them in service as long ss the coast is invaded, and our people are subject to the insult, robbery, and merciless cruelty of the enemy.

The action of the Legislature upon the subject resulted in the adoption of the following resolution:

Resolved, That the Governor be and he is hereby authorized to call out such parts of the militia as he may think necessary to protect the citizens of Camden county, and other counties on the coast similarly exposed, against the invasion being made by companies of negroes, sent by the abolitionists to make raids upon our citizens, and to continue them in service as long as the emergency may require.

The Legislature also passed resolutions authorizing the governor to contract for slave labor to complete the defences of Savannah; if it could not be obtained by contract, he was authorized then to impress slaves for the purpose. It also appropriated two millions of dollars to relieve the families of soldiers who had enlisted from the State into the Confederate service.

The term of the governor, Joseph B. Brown, expires in November, 1863. The election for State officers is held on the first Monday in October, once in two years. The governor had been reelected to a second term. The senators from the State to the Confederate Congress in 1862 were John W. Lewis and B. H. Hill. The former having been appointed by Page 496 the governor to fill the vacancy, it became the duty of the Legislature at its session in November to elect a senator. The names voted for were very numerous, being thirteen on the first ballot. Among them were ex-Governor Herschell V. Johnson, who was a candidate for the vice-presidency on the ticket with Stephen A. Douglas for presidency in 1860; Judge Jenkins, who a few days previous had delivered the decision of the Supreme Court of the State in sustaining the constitutionality of the conscript act of the Confederate Congress; ex-Senators Toombs and Iverson, late of the U. S. Senate; Howell Cobb, ox-Secretary of the Treasury, and Mr. James Jackson, formerly a member of Congress. Of 190 votes cast, Mr. Johnson received 84; Mr. Jackson 59; Mr. Toombs 24; Judge Jenkins 9; Mr. Iverson 3; Mr. Cobb 6, &c. A new ballot was ordered. Before taking the vote Mr. Whittle, of Bibb county, said he was in favor of sending a man to the Confederate Senate who would not be opposed to the Administration, and who would support and sustain the Government in this trying hour. His first choice was ex-Governor Johnson, a man of unsurpassed abilities and patriotism; but he had understood that he was not in favor of the conscription law, and he could not vote for any man who was not in favor of that law. He referred to a letter from Governor Johnson, which he understood the representative from Baldwin (Mr. Briscoe) had, and in which his views were defined. He called on the friends of Messrs. Jackson and Johnson to let the General Assembly know how they stood on those important points.

Mr. Briscoe, of Baldwin, said the letter from Governor Johnson, which had been alluded to, was strictly private. He had shown it to a very few persons, not having the least idea that it would ever be alluded to publicly in any manner, and he greatly regretted it. He said he know Governor Johnson to be no seeker after office; that he was actuated by no consideration but patriotism, which burned as brightly in his breast as any man's; but yet, with this knowledge, he (Mr. Briscoe) would never have voted for him unless he had known him to be in favor of sustaining the Administration to the fullest extent in the prosecution of the war; and could not have voted for him or any other man who would oppose the execution of the conscription law. Mr. Briscoe therefore wrote to Governor Johnson, and had received a letter in reply, an extract from which he read, the purport of which was that he believed the conscription law to be unconstitutional; but since the Supreme Court had otherwise decided he counselled acquiescence in its execution, and further counselled a most earnest and undivided support to the Government, and every measure thereof, in the support of the war, till the stars and bars waved in triumph over the Confederate States.

The next ballot was then taken, in which Johnson received 111 votes; Jackson 40; Toombs 14; Jenkins 2; Iverson 1, &c. Ex-Governor Johnson was elected.

The manufacturers of cotton goods in the State, who composed the Manufacturers' and Free Trade Association, met at Augusta during the session of the Legislature, to fix upon some rate of compensation which they should receive for goods furnished to the State and Confederate States. The subject of the cost of the production of cotton goods was fully discussed by the convention, and a committee was appointed, with instructions to report upon the estimates presented by the various factories in regard to the actual cost of the production of those goods. The report of this committee was embraced in the following preamble and resolution:

Whereas, the Manufacturers' Convention, after comparing notes as to the immense advance upon every article in use pertaining to the cost of producing goods, viz.: Cotton, labor, oil, alcohol, varnish, gums, leather in its various uses, card clothing and hand cards for stripping cylinders, steel, iron, files, hardware, shuttles, bobbins, reeds, steel travellers, steel spindles, tin, Babbit's metal solder, nails, screws, and a thousand other articles largely in use, most of which have increased over 1,000 per cent, in value, and some extend to the fabulous advance of 10,000 per cent., therefore, be it

Resolved, That the Manufacturers' Convention consider, from actual estimates presented, the present cost of production of cotton goods to be equal to fifty cents per pound, and deem it unsafe to bargain with Government at any fixed price to extend beyond ono month, without the establishment of a sliding scale, by which the price may be varied from month to month, as the cost of production may advance.

These views were submitted to the Legislature for their approval in future contracts.

On the 19th of November the first General Council of the Protestant Episcopal Church in the Confederate States assembled at Augusta. The Rev. Dr. Henckhill, of South Carolina, was elected permanent president, and Rev. Mr. Mitchell, of Alabama, permanent secretary.

The crops throughout the State, especially the southern portion, were very good. The average of cotton planted was about two acres to each planter.

LOUISIANA, the great sugar-producing State in the southwestern part of the United States, has a population, according to the census of 1800, of 357,629 whites,18,047 free colored, and 331,726 slaves; total, 708,002. The ratio of increase in her population during the previous ten years has been, white 39.98, free colored 0.78, slave 35.50. The white male population was 189,048, female 107,808. The population of New Orleans in 1860 was 108,075; in 1850 it was 116,375—increase in ten years, 52,300. The increase in the whole State during the same period was 180,240. The number of slaves manumitted in ten years was 517; the number of fugitives, 46. The mortality in the State during the year ending May 31,1860, was 12,329. The most fatal diseases wore consumption, diarrhoea, dysentery, fevers, and pneumonia. The number of deaf mutes was 215, of whom 38 were slaves. The industrial products of the State during the year ending June 1, I860, were as follows: Iron founderies $525,800; lumber, $1,018,554; flour and meal, $11,094; cotton goods, $509,700; leather, $47,00:). Total value of all products of industry, §15,500,000. The value of real and personal estate was $602,118,568. Improved lands 2,734,901 acres, unimproved 0,705,879, value of farms or plantations $215,505,421. Number of horses 79,008, mules and asses 92,259, milch cows 130,072, working oxen 61,008, other cattle 329,855, sheep 180,855, swine 642,855; total value of live stock $24,751,822. Crops raised were as follows: Wheat, 29,282 bushels; rye, 12,789 bush.; corn, 10,205,850 bush.; oats, 65,845 bush.; rice, 6,455,017 lbs.; tobacco, 40,610 lbs.; cotton, 722,218 bales of 400 lbs. each; wool, 290,187 lbs.; peas and beans, 430,410 bushels; potatoes, Irish, 332,725 bush.; potatoes, sweet, 2,070,901 bush.; sugar, 297,816 hhds.; molasses, 14,535,157 galls.; miles of railroads, 334; cost of construction, $12,020.204.

The educational institutions of the State consisted of the University of Louisiana, College of the Immaculate Conception, St. Charles College, Centenary College, Washington College, Mt. Lebanon University, and St. Joseph's College. Some of them are now closed in consequence of the war.

The change which took place in the political and military affairs of the State previous to the occupation of New Orleans by the Federal forces, on May 1, is unimportant. Her commerce was entirely cut off by the blockade, and the stagnation produced by the war was chiefly experienced at New Orleans, where large numbers were obliged to resort to the free market, established by the city, to procure subsistence. The number of troops which had been sent by the State to Virginia up to the beginning of February was small. They consisted of the following regiments and battalions: the 1st, Colonel Vincent; 2d, Colonel W. M. Levy; 5th, Colonel T. G. Hunt; 6th, Colonel I. G. Levmore; 7th, Colonel H. T. Hays; 8th, Colonel II. D. Kelly; 9th, Colonel E. G. Randolph; 10th, Colonel M. Marigny; 14th, Colonel V. Sulakouski; battalions: Washington artillery, 1st, 3d, and 4th, Wheat's battalion, St. Paul's battalion, Louisiana zouaves, and three independent companies.

Military affairs, however, continued stagnant until the advance of the Federal forces at the West aroused the Confederate States to the danger which threatened them. General Beauregard was then sent to take command in the West, and President Davis issued a call for more troops. On the 14th of February, Governor Moore issued a proclamation calling for volunteers to meet this requisition from President Davis for five and a half regiments.

On the 16th Fort Donelson was captured, and the Federal advance was immediately made upon Nashville. General Beauregard, aware of the true state of affairs, immediately sent the most pressing requests to the governors of Tennessee, Mississippi, and Louisiana for troops. The urgency of this appeal is developed by the entreaties which the governor and the messenger of General Beauregard addressed to the people. The governor's appeal was as follows:

Fellow-Citizens and Soldiers: I address you today in a double capacity, as governor and commander-in-chief. A call has been made upon me by General Beauregard for 5,000 men to defend the Mississippi Valley, and with it your loved State, this beautiful city, and more than all, our homes and those dearer than all else, save honor. The laggard and the dastard await the foe at the very shrine of the sanctuary. It is the part of the brave and noble hearted to meet him at the threshold or beyond it; and did we choose any other portion we would be false to our history and traditions, recreant to our brothers' blood, which stained the hard fought fields of Virginia and Missouri, and unworthy of the high gift of independence sanctified by the blood of patriot martyrs.

This is not the hour for vain regrets or despondency. No, not even for hesitation. An insolent and powerful foe is already at the castle gate—the current of the mighty river speaks to us of his fleet advancing for our destruction, and the telegraph wires tremble with the news of his advancing columns. In the name of all most dear to us, I entreat you go meet him. A brave general, fellow-citizens, calls for you, and his patriot heart feels you will come. Laurels have already clustered around his brow, and he calls you to share with him new honors and new victories. Sacrifices must be made, but the recollection of their will nerve Page 553 your arm in the day of battle and make dearer your successes. Fathers, husbands, brothers, lovers, your country calls you! Citizens, your property and your rights are in danger! Will you not go the hour for glorious action is upon us; let it not pass unheeded by. General Beauregard does his fellow-citizens the honor to wish them at his side in the hour of trial. A special messenger, member of bis staff, Dr. Choppin, waits to return to him a. glorious response. Upon volunteering you will be ordered to General Beauregard, at Jackson, Tenn., and in a few weeks, when the necessity is past, you will return victorious, or leave your names as martyrs embalmed in our hearts.

THOMAS O. MOORE,

Governor and Commander-in-Chief.

The address of the surgeon-general to the soldiers of New Orleans was as follows:

Soldiers of New Orleans:

You are aware of the disasters which have befallen our armies in the West. Greater disasters still are staring us in the face. General Beauregard—the man to whom we must look as the saviour of our country— sends me among you to summon you to a great duty and noble deeds—invoking and inspired by the sacred love of country and of priceless liberty, he has taken the deathless resolution de lee tenger ou de leg suivre. And with the immortal confidence and holy fervor of a soul willing, if need be, to meet martyrdom, he calls upon you to join him, in order that he may restore to our country what she has lost, and lead you on to glory and independence. In tones rigid and sullen as the tollings of the funeral knell, but with clarion accents that should send a quiver through every heart, and string the nerves of every man, he cries out the final refrain of that immortal hymn—

“Aux armcs, citovens formoz vos battaillons,

Marchons!

Marchons!

Qu'un sang impur abrcuve nos sillons!"

Creoles of Louisiana, on to the work!

S. CHOPPIN,

Surgeon-General Beauregard's Staff.

February 25,1862. So urgent was the necessity, that, on the 28th of February, General Beauregard thus addressed the governor:

Jackson, February 28,1862.

I will accept all good equipped troops, under act of 21st August, that will offer, and for ninety days. Let the people of Louisiana understand that here is the proper place to defend Louisiana.

G. T. BEAUREGARD.

At the same time the regulations to govern the formation of the volunteer organizations were issued, of which the 18th is in these words: "Pikes and lances will be furnished by the State to all volunteer organizations not supplied with fire arms." In every part of the Confederate States this scarcity of arms existed.

In New Orleans martial law was declared, and a provost martial appointed under the command of General Lovell. All process for the ejection of the families of soldiers for the nonpayment of rent was suspended. Steamboats were forbidden to take white men as deck hands, and required to discharge all who were engaged. No exemptions from military duty were allowed to any except minors, or persons of physical disability. Passports were required from all persons leaving the city. Founderies and workshops were required to furnish lists of workmen to whom exemptions were granted for a certain number of days. The traffic in gold and silver against the notes of the Confederate States was prohibited. A tariff of prices was fixed for beef, pork, bacon, flour, bread, rice, corn, meal, peas, hay, oats, salt, &c, according to which all these articles were to be sold.

The effect of these efforts, and similar ones in Mississippi, Arkansas, and Tennessee, was to gather such a force under General Beauregard as enabled him to check the Federal advance at Shiloh, and detain it before Corinth until the advance of the season and the low stage of the water in the rivers made their further progress impracticable until later in the year. Garrisons were kept up at the forts below New Orleans, and the city was put in a state of defence, which was believed to be sufficient to defy any attack. The preparations of the Federal Government for its capture, and the concentration of military and naval forces at Ship Island, were well known; but no real apprehensions were entertained of the success of that expedition. That these convictions of safety were not unreasonably sanguine is manifest from the fact that the history of military and naval affairs records no achievement so brilliant as the capture of New Orleans. (See Naval Operations.) The loss of this city, and the subsequent capture of the capital, Baton Rouge, placed so completely in the power of the Federal commander the important portion of the State, that there remained to the State Government little else than its name. Its troops were required by the Confederate Government elsewhere, and the military power which continued in the State was only sufficient for a force of observation, as to make an attack upon any unguarded or exposed Federal position.

On the 18th of June, Governor Moore published an address to the people of the State, declaring what regulations should be observed by them relative to their enemies. This address closed as follows: I am not introducing any new regulations for the conduct of our citizens, but am only placing before them those that every nation in war recognizes as necessary and proper to be enforced. It is needless, therefore, to say that they will not be relaxed. On the contrary, I am but awaiting the assistance and presence of the general appointed to the department to inaugurate the most effectual method for their enforcement. It is well to repeat them:

Trading with the enemy is prohibited under all circumstances.

Travelling to and from New Orleans and other places occupied by the enemy is forbidden. All passengers will be arrested.

Citizens going to those places, and returning with the enemy's usual passport, will be arrested.

Conscripts or militiamen, having in possession such passports, and seeking to shun duty under the pretext of a parole, shall be treated as public enemies. No such papers will be held as sufficient excuse for inaction by any citizen.

The utmost vigilance must be used by officers and citizens in the detection of spies and salaried informers, and their apprehension promptly effected.

Tories must suffer the fate that every betrayer of his country deserves.

Confederate notes shall be received and used as the currency of the country.

Page 554 River steamboats must, in no case, be permitted to be captured. Burn them when they cannot be saved.

Provisions may be conveyed to New Orleans only in charge of officers, and under the precautionary regulations governing communication between belligerents.

The loss of New Orleans, bitter humiliation as it was to Louisianians, has not created despondency nor shaken our abiding faith in our success. Not to the eye of the enthusiastic patriot alone, who might be expected to color events with his hopes, but to the more unimpassioned gaze of the statesman, that success was certain from the beginning. It is only the timid, the unreflecting, and the property owner, who thinks more of his possessions than his country, that will succumb to the depressing influences of disaster. The great heart of the people has swelled with more intense aspirations for the cause the more it seems to totter. Their confidence is well founded. The possession by the enemy of our seaboard and main watercourses ought to hare' been foreseen by us. His overwhelming naval force necessarily accomplished the same results attained by the British with the same in their war of subjugation. The final result will be the same. Let us turn unheeding ears to the rumors of foreign intervention. To believe is to rely on them. We must rely on ourselves. Our recognition as a nation is one of those certainties of the future, which nothing but our own unfaithfulness can prevent. We must not look around for friends to help when the enemy is straight before us. Help yourself. It is the great instrument of national as of individual success.

THOMAS O. MOORE,

Governor of Louisiana.

Opelousas, June 18, 1862.

For the state of affairs at New Orleans after their capture by the Federal forces, see New Orleans. For the further movements of the fleet after the capture of the city, see Naval Operations. For the capture of Baton Rouge, see Army Operation's. Its evacuation took place August 16, by order of Major-General Butler. On August 31 the village of Bayou Sara, in the parish of West Feliciana, on the Mississippi river, 165 miles above New Orleans, wa9 fired upon and burned by the Federal gunboat Essex. The cause of this destruction was the firing from the town upon the gunboat, a method of annoyance and injury adopted by Confederate citizens along the shores of the river whenever steamboats passed. The Mississippi river from New Orleans nearly to Baton Rouge runs a nearly east and west course, and the tract of country between the river and the Gulf is probably the richest and most productive in the State. The New Orleans and Opelousas railroad runs a distance of 80 miles to Brashiar. It contains the parishes of La Fourche, Terre Bonne, &e. A Federal force was sent from New Orleans to operate there under General Weitzel. On the 20th of October he marched from Donaldsonville, which is on the right bank of the Mississippi, 82 miles above New Orleans, to Napoleonville, and bivouacked for the night. On the next day, about one mile above Labadieville, he encountered a Confederate force under the command of Colonel J. P. McPheeters, with whom an action ensued, which lasted for half an hour, when the Confederate force were defeated and retired, leaving their colonel among the killed. General Weitzel had eighteen killed and seventy-four wounded, and took 208 prisoners, seventeen of whom were wounded. His troops were the 8th New Hampshire, 75th New York, and 12th and 13th Connecticut, and 1st Louisiana regiments. No further resistance was made to his march to Thibodeaux, the capital of La Fourche Interior Parish. On the 9th of November all the property of this parish was confiscated by an order of Major-General Butler. Citizens who had been loyal to the Government of the United States were to be secured in their rights of property. The plantations not confiscated were to be worked by hired negroes for the benefit of the United States.

The term of office of Governor Moore expires on the 1st of January, 1864. The State is represented in the Confederate Congress by two senators and six members of the House. For the commerce of New Orleans in 1862, see Commerce.

BATON ROUGE, the capital of the State of Louisiana, is situated on the east bank of the Mississippi river, 129 miles above New Orleans. Its location is high, being about' twenty-five or thirty feet above the highest over-flowings of the river, and extremely healthy. The esplanade in front of the town presents a fine view of the majestic Mississippi and the rich cultivated tracts on its banks. Below the city the broad river sweeps through a plain which is covered with plantations of sugar cane and adorned by splendid villas and gardens, and groves of tropical fruit trees. The seat of government of the State of Louisiana was established at this city in the year 1847. The State House was a building of fine appearance, situated immediately on the bank of the river. It was burned during 1862, while the city was occupied by Federal troops. It was supposed to have been set on fire, and such was the deficiency of means with which to extinguish it, that all the efforts of the troops were unsuccessful. It was first occupied by Federal troops immediately after the capture of New Orleans. The attack upon the city by the Confederate forces under General Breckinridge was made on the 5th of August. (See Army Operations.) It was subsequently evacuated in order to concentrate the force at New Orleans under General Butler, and again occupied after General Banks took command of New Orleans.

NEW ORLEANS, Occupation of. On May 1, 1862, several days after the surrender of the city to Flag Officer Farragut, formal possession was taken of New Orleans by the land forces of the United States under the command of Major General B. F. Butler, who, after a conference with the municipal authorities and some of the principal inhabitants, issued a proclamation adapted to the circumstances of the captured city and its inhabitants. After assuring protection to all well disposed persons, natives as well as foreigners, and requiring keepers of public property and manufacturers of arms and munitions of war to make a return of the kind and quantity of material in their possession, the proclamation proceeded as follows:

All the rights of property of whatever kind will be held inviolate, subject only to the laws of the United States. All the inhabitants are enjoined to pursue their usual avocations. All shops and places of amusement are to be kept open in the accustomed manner, and services are to be held in the churches and religious houses, as in times of profound peace. Keepers of all public houses and drinking saloons are to report their names and numbers to the office of the Provost Marshal, and they will then receive a license, and be held responsible for all disorders and disturbances arising in their respective places. Sufficient force will be kept in the city to preserve order and maintain the laws. The killing of American soldiers by any disorderly person or mob is simply assassination and murder, and not war, and will be so regarded and punished. The owner of any house in which such murder shall be committed will be held responsible therefor, and the house be liable to be destroyed by the military authority. All disorders, disturbances of the peace, and crimes of an aggravated nature, interfering with the forces or laws of the United States, will be referred to a military court for trial and punishment. Other misdemeanors will be subject to the municipal authority, if it desires to act. Civil causes between party and party will be referred to the ordinary tribunals. The levy and collection of taxes, save those imposed by the laws of the United States, are suppressed, except those for keeping in repair and lighting the streets and for sanitary purposes. These are to be collected in the usual manner. The circulation of Confederate bonds, evidences of debt (except notes in the similitude of bank notes), issued by the Confederate States, or 6crip, or any trade in the same, is forbidden. It has been represented to the Commanding General by the civil authorities that these Confederate notes, in the form of bank notes, in a great measure, are the only substitutes for money which the people have been allowed to have, and that great distress would ensue among the poorer classes if the circulation of such notes should be suppressed. Such circulation, therefore, will be permitted so long as any one will be inconsiderate enough to receive them until further orders. No publication of newspapers, pamphlets or handbills giving accounts of the movements of the soldiers of the United States within this department, reflecting in any way upon the United States, intending in any way to influence the public mind against the United Spates, will be permitted, and all articles on war news, editorial comments, or correspondence making comments upon the movements of tne armies of the United States, must be submitted to the examination of an officer who will be detailed for that purpose from these headquarters. The transmission of all communications by telegraph will be under the charge of an officer from these headquarters.

General Butler further requested that outrages committed by the soldiery upon the persons or property of citizens should be reported to the provost guard, prohibited the assemblage of persons in the streets, suspended the municipal authority so far as the police of the city and crimes were concerned (except that for the effective promotion of order an armed body of foreigners known as the European Legion, which was employed subsequent to the evacuation of the city by General Lovell to protect the lives and property of the citizens, was invited to cooperate with the military authorities), and in general imposed upon the city the ordinary conditions of martial law. Copies of the proclamation were sent to all the newspaper offices; and upon the editors unanimously refusing to print it, forcible possession was taken of the Page 646 "True Delta" office, and by the aid of Northern printers, selected from the different regiments of national troops, the document was speedily set up, and was worked off in the edition of the paper for May 2.

The landing of troops nt New Orleans and at Algiers, on the opposite side of the Mississippi, meanwhile went vigorously on, and, by the direction of General Shipley, the military governor, the principal points of approach to the city were occupied in force, with pickets thrown out as far as the crossing of the Jackson and Jefferson railroad. General Butler established his headquarters at the St. Charles hotel, and another largo hotel, the Evans House, on Poydras street, was converted into a hospital. A sufficient force of gunboats remained in front of the city to oppose any sudden rising of the inhabitants or attack by a Confederate army, while the remainder with a portion of the mortar fleet proceeded up the river to Carrollton, Baton Kouge, and other places. Whether, on account of the hopelessness of opposition, or of the indifference with which the large foreign element in the population (about 40 per cent.) regarded the fate of the city, or because perhaps the inhabitants were satisfied with the immense destruction of cotton and sugar which had already been accomplished, the city remained comparatively tranquil. "Our streets," says the "Delta" of May 1, " are remarkably quiet. Most of the stores have been closed since Friday last (April 25), and remain closed, with a few exceptions. the principal hotels are closed, and there is some difficulty among those who have been in the habit of making theso establishments their homes in effecting other arrangements. The bar rooms have all been closed since Friday last. For some days there was great difficulty in passing the miserable currency we are cursed with, but, thanks to the judicious measures taken by the authorities, confidence in it has been partially restored. The markets are still very meagerly furnished, and, to provide regular supplies of food for this large population, will require all the wisdom of those who have our welfare in their keeping, for the ordinary intercourse between the city and country must, to a considerable extent, continue broken up. * * * * *

"The movements in financial circles during the past week have been of the most restricted character ever witnessed in the Crescent City. The banks kept their doors open for a few hours daily to pay depositors' checks and renew maturing obligations; but they peremptorily refused to receive deposits or transact any other kind of business. Their presidents also held one or more informal meetings with the view of adopting some uniform policy in their future management; but no definite conclusion was arrived at, and each one is still at liberty to adopt such action as circumstances may suggest."

The first consideration brought to the notice of the military and municipal authorities was the destitute condition of a large portion of the population, who were literally at the point of starvation; and in accordance with a recommendation from the mayor and common council General Butler gave orders, on May 2 and 3, for the safe conduct of cargoes of flour, live stock, and other necessaries from Mobile and various places in the interior. Those proving ineffectual to relieve the prevailing distress, he issued on the 9th of the month a proclamation, known as General Order No. 25, the purport of which can be best understood by quoting the document in full:

Headquarters. Department of the Gulf,

New Orleans, May 9, 1862.

The deplorable state of destitution and hunger of the mechanics and working classes in this city has been brought to the knowledge of the Commanding General.

He has yielded to every suggestion made by the city government, and ordered every method of furnishing food to the people of New Orleans that that government desired. No relief by those officials has yet been afforded. This hunger does not pinch the wealthy and influential, the leaders of the rebellion, who have gotten up this war, and arc now endeavoring to prosecute it, without regard to the starving poor, the working man, his wife and child. Unmindful of their suffering fellow citizens at home, they have caused or suffered provisions to be carried out of the city for the Confederate service since the occupation by the United States forces.

Lafayette square, their home of affluence, was made the depot of stores and munitions of war for the rebel armies, and not of provisions for their poor neighbors. Striking hands with the vile, the gambler, the idler and the ruffian, they have destroyed the sugar and cotton which might have been exchanged for food for the industrious and good, and regrated the price of that which is left, by discrediting the very currency they had furnished while they sloped with the specie, as well as that stolen from the United States, as the banks, the property of the good people of New Orleans, thus leaving them to ruin and starvation—fugitives from justice many of them, and others, their associates, staying because too puerile and insignificant to be objects of punishment by the clement Government of the United States.

They have betrayed their country.

They have been false to every trust.

They have shown themselves incapable of defending the State they have seized upon, although they have forced every poor man's child into their service as soldiers for that purpose, while they made their sons and nephews officers. They cannot protect those whom they have ruined, but have left them to the mercies and assassinations of a chronic mob.

They will not feed those whom they are starving.

Mostly without property themselves, they have plundered, stolen, and destroyed the means of those who had property, leaving children penniless and old age hopeless.

Men of Louisiana, working men, property holders, merchants and citizens of the United States, of whatever nation you may have had birth, how long will you uphold these flagrant wrongs, and by inaction suffer yourselves to be made the serfs of these leaders? The United States have sent land and naval forces here to light and subdue rebellious armies in array against her authority. We find, substantially, only fugitive masses, runaway property owners, a whiskey drinking mob, and starving citizens with their wives and children. It is our duty to call back the first, to punish the second, root out the third, feed and protect the last.

Ready only for what we had not prepared ourselves, Page 647 to feed the hungry and relieve the distressed with provisions. But to the extent possible within the power of the Commanding General it shall be done. He has captured a quantity of beef and sugar intended for the rebels in the field. A thousand barrels of those stores will be distributed among the deserving poor of this city, from whom the rebels had plundered it; even although some of the food will go to supply the craving wants of the wives and children of those now herding at Camp Moore and elsewhere, in arms against the United States.

Captain John Clark, Acting Chief Commissary of Subsistence, will be charged with the execution of this order, and will give public notice of the place and manner of distribution, which will be arranged as far as possible so that the unworthy and dissolute will not share its benefits.

By command of Major-General BUTLER, Geo. C. Strong, Assistant Adjt.-General, Chief of Staff.

In accordance with this proclamation, a public distribution of the captured stores was commenced on the 13th, by which means, together with the subsequent revival of traffic, all apprehensions of immediate distress were dispelled. In reply to the severe strictures of General Butler, several of the city newspapers in the Confederate interest stated, that since the preceding August the poor had been gratuitously supplied twice a week with provisions, that millions of dollars had been subscribed by private individuals for similar purposes, and that the existing suffering was due to two causes: first, the blockade, or non-intercourse with the country from which provisions had previously been drawn, and, secondly, the derangement of the currency, the United States commander having, in his proclamation, warned the people of the danger of receiving the only currency in circulation, or rather the basis of the only currency in circulation.

With a view to procure a remedy for the latter evil, a committee of the Associated Banks of New Orleans requested permission to restore to their vaults the specie which had been conveyed from the city previous to its occupation by the national forces; to which General Butler replied that the specie should have safe conduct through his lines and be protected, so long as it should be used in good faith to make good the obligations of the banks to their creditors by bills and deposits. "In order," he added, "that there may be no misunderstanding, it must be further observed that I by no means pledge myself that the banks, like other persons, shall not return to the United States authorities all the property of the United States which they may have received. I came to "retake, repossess, and occupy all and singular the property of the United States of whatever name and nature. Further than that I shall not go, save upon the most urgent military necessity."

Acting in the spirit of these words, General Butler had on the 10th of the month taken forcible possession of a large amount of specie deposited in the office of M. Conturif, consul of the Netherlands, and which, it was supposed, belonged to the Confederate Government, or was to be expended in their behalf. The proceeding drew forth a formal protest from the entire consular body of New Orleans, as being in contravention of treaties between their governments and the United States. In reply General Butler expressed his regret that the consuls should have acted without investigating the facts of the case, and stated that it would be demonstrated at the proper time, that the flag of the Netherlands had been used to cover and conceal property of an incorporated company of Louisiana, secreted under it, from the operation of the laws of the United States. "No person," he concluded, "can exceed me in the respect I shall pay to the flags of all nations and to the consular authority, even while I do not recognize many claims made under them; but I wish it to be most distinctly understood, that, in order to be respected, the consul, his office, and the use of his flag, must each and all be respected."

The rigor and decision which marked General Butler's conduct in this instance characterized his administration from the moment of his arrival in New Orleans, and by a prompt and sometimes sever exercise of the rules of martial law, particularly in the matter of arrests and imprisonments, he kept the city in an orderly condition, although the inhabitants, distrusting his ability to maintain his authority for any considerable period, at first manifested no enthusiasm at the restoration of the national supremacy, and carefully abstained from committing themselves in favor of the Union. A notable exception was found in the conduct of a portion of the female population, who availed themselves of the license usually permitted to their sex, to offer gross insults and indignities to the national soldiers while in the orderly discharge of their duties. Apprehending that, if this conduct should be unrebuked, the soldiery might be induced to retaliate, or brought into such contempt as to provoke open assaults from the disaffected portions of the populace, General Butler issued on May 15 the following order, known as General Order No. 28:

Headquarters, Department or Gulf, New Orleans,

As officers and soldiers of the United States have been subject to repeated insults from women, calling themselves ladies, of New Orleans, in return for the most scrupulous non-interference and courtesy on our part, it is ordered hereafter, when any female shall by mere gesture or movement insult, or snow contempt for any officers or soldiers of the United States, she shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as a woman about town plying her avocation.

By command of Major-General BUTLER.

Its publication excited violent opposition from disloyal citizens, and the mayor of the city, John T. Monroe, made it the subject of an angry communication to the municipal government, and of a letter to General Butler, placing an exceedingly offensive construction upon the order. The latter immediately directed him to be deprived of his official functions, and committed to Fort Jackson until further orders. At a subsequent interview with the commander-in-chief, at headquarters, the mayor was Page 648 informed that a withdrawal of his letter, and an apology for the language which it contained, would alone relieve him from incarceration; whereupon he made the annexed apology and retraction, and was allowed to resume the functions of his office:

General Butler: This communication, having been sent under a mistake of fact, and being improper in language, I desire to apologize for the same, and to withdraw it.

JOHN T. MONROE, Mayor.

     May 10,1864.

In explanation of the meaning and intent of the order, General Butler, at the same time, addressed the following letter to the mayor, which was published together with the apology of the latter, in the daily papers of New Orleans:

Headquarters, Department or the Gulf.  New Orleans, May 16, 1862

Sir: There can be, there has been, no room for misunderstanding of General Order No. 28.

No lady will take any notice of a strange gentleman, and a fortiori of a stranger, simply in such form as to attract attention. Common women do.

Therefore, whatever woman, lady or mistress, gentle or simple, who, by gesture, look, or word, insults, shows contempt for, thus attracting to herself the notice of my officers and soldiers, will be deemed to act as becomes her vocation as a common woman, and will be liable to be treated accordingly. This was most fully explained to you at my office.

I shall not, as I have not, abated a single word of that order; it was well considered; if obeyed, will protect the true and modest women from all possible insult. The others will take care of themselves. You can publish your letter, if you publish this note and your apology. Respectfully,

       BENJ. F. BUTLER,

        Major-General Commanding.

John T. Monroe, Mayor of New Orleans.

The agitation consequent upon the publication of Order No. 28 was not confined to New Orleans or its neighborhood, but throughout all the States, loyal and disloyal, the language of General Butler was made the subject of comments varying with the feelings or circumstances of the writer. General Beauregard read it at the head of his army, as an incitement to renewed efforts against the "Northern hordes;" the Confederate journals denounced it with all the resources of the language at their command; and even in the North many editors and public speakers expressed themselves strongly against the order, and called upon the President to disavow it publicly and rebuke its author. In the European journals unfriendly to the national cause, and in some also of opposite views, it was criticized with characteristic asperity. The order was nevertheless tolerated by the President, and, in spite of the obloquy sought to be associated with it, was, in the opinion of persons competent to judge, in no respect oppressive in its operation, but rather productive of substantial good by preventing an indulgence in wanton insults, by any class of the population. In a private letter written in July, General Butler has given the following account of his motives in acting ns he did, and of the presumed necessity for such action:

What was the state of things to which the woman order applied?

We were two thousand five hundred men in a city seven miles long by two to four wide, of a hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants, all hostile, bitter, defiant, explosive, standing literally on a magazine; a spark only needed for destruction. The devil had entered the hearts of the women of this town (you know seven of them chose Mary Magdalen for a residence) to stir up strife in every way possible. Every opprobrious epithet, every insulting gesture was made by these bejewelled, becrinolined, and laced creatures, calling themselves ladies, toward my soldiers and officers, from the widows of houses and in the streets. How long do you suppose our flesh and blood could have stood this without retort? That would lead to disturbances and riot; from which we must clear the streets with artillery—and then a howl that we murdered these fine women. I had arrested the men who hurrahed for Beauregard. Could I arrest the women? No. What was to be done? No order could be made, save one, that would execute itself. With anxious, careful thought I hit upon this: "Women who insult my soldiers are to be regarded and treated as common women plying their vocation." Pray how do you treat a common woman plying her vocation iu the streets? You pass her by unheeded. She cannot insult you! As a gentleman you can and will take no notice of her. If she speaks, her words are not opprobrious. It is only when she becomes a continuous and positive nuisance that you call a watchman and give her in charge to him.

*     *     *     *     *     *     *     *

Why, these she adders of New Orleans themselves were at once shamed into propriety of conduct by the order, and from that day no woman has either insulted or annoyed any live soldier or officer, and of a certainty no soldier has insulted anv woman.

When I passed through Baltimore, on the 23d of February last, members of my staff were insulted by the gestures of the ladies (?) there. Not so in New Orleans. I can only say, I would issue it again under like circumstances.

On May 29, the further circulation of Confederate money, which had been permitted for a limited period, ceased, in accordance with an order from the commander-in-chief, and on June 1, the port of New Orleans was declared, by a proclamation of the President, again open to commerce. Charles L. Lathrop, a former resident of the city, was appointed collector, and steam communication was almost immediately resumed with the Northern States. So beneficial were the results of reviving commerce and of the strict attention to police and sanitary measures which was exacted, that the "Delta" of June 1, commenting upon the sullen and deserted aspect of the city at the entrance of the national troops, observed:

One short month has elapsed. The streets are filled with smiling faces, business attracts with open doors, thugs have loft for summer watering places, property is secure, and Abraham Lincoln, bv the grace of God and the electoral vote of the people President of the United States of America, might walk, unarmed and unaccompanied, at any time through these streets, in full security, and to the joy and delight of numbers who have heretofore been accustomed to link his name with curses and execrations.

This change was not effected without a resort to measures which were denounced as arbitrary and tyrannical. Arrests of suspected persons had constantly to be made, at the discretion Page 649 of the commander-in-chief, including among others, Pierre Soule, who was sent North; the "thugs," gamblers, and other desperate characters who had long dominated in the city, were dispersed or intimidated into silence; the newspapers were on one occasion temporarily suppressed for advocating the burning of cotton and produce;' and the bakers and other venders of food, who had taken advantage of the scarcity of provisions to charge exorbitant prices, were compelled to conform to the tariff fixed by the city ordinances. For the further protection of the citizens, stringent orders were issued on May 27, and June 5, prohibiting officers and soldiers from taking private property or forcibly entering and searching private dwellings without written authority from the proper officers.

On June 7, took place the first military execution since the occupation of the city, the sufferer being one William B. Mumford, who was arrested for hauling down, on the morning of April 26, an American flag hoisted on the mint by a boat's crew from Flag Officer Farragut's fleet, and subsequently assisting in tearing it into shreds, and otherwise insulting it in the presence of a large and riotous crowd of citizens. The act, if unnoticed, was deemed to offer so pernicious a precedent for future offences, that Mumford was directed to be tried before a military commission, by whom he was convicted and sentenced to be hung. The sentence was approved by General Butler, and carried into effect in the presence of an immense throng of citizens, who made no demonstration and dispersed quietly to their homes. A universal cry of indignation at what was denounced as an act of murder went up from the seceded States, the hoisting of the flag, pending the formal surrender of the city, being deemed an unauthorized and unjustifiable proceeding on the part of the United States authorities, and one against which the mayor had protested in a written communication to Flag Officer Farragut. On the other hand, it was claimed that the flag had been hoisted on a public building of the United States, and that the tearing of it down was an overt act of treason, done for the purpose of exciting other evil-minded persons to further resistance to the laws and arms of the United States.

To the deep feeling of revenge which this execution aroused was due the vindictive retaliatory order subsequently issued by Jefferson Davis, and the rewards for the assassination of General Butler, which have from time to time appeared in the Southern papers. The clemency of General Butler had, however, a few days previous, been successfully invoked in favor of six Confederate soldiers paroled at Fort Jackson, and subsequently sentenced by a court martial to be shot for being engaged in a conspiracy to raise a company to serve in General Beauregard's army; and on another occasion he manifested his desire to administer justice impartially, by causing sentence of death against two soldiers of the garrison, convicted of robbery by a court martial, to be carried into effect. These were the only military executions which have taken place in New Orleans during its occupation by the national forces.

In a speech delivered in Philadelphia, after his return from New Orleans, General Butler defended the course pursued by the military authorities in the case of Mumford. Referring to the indignity offered by him to the American flag, he said:

That act, in its consequences, might have been most . calamitous. The commander of the Federal fleet and the army, then coming up the river, had a right to suppose that the city authorities bad come to the conclusion to renew the contest, and the evidence of that renewal was the hauling down of the flag. The commander of the fleet had no means of knowing that this was done by a mob, and the act might and ought, as a military proposition, to have brought down upon the city an instant bombardment. But, through the very proper precaution of Commander Farragut, but a shot or two were fired, and, no resistance following, no special damage was done, it resulting in the wounding of a single person.

But, mark you, sir, it was not the fault of Mumford that New Orleans was not laid in ashes, and the women and children crushed beneath the shells of the Federal fleet. We were about taking other towns and cities on the Mississippi river. If every drunken ruffian, by tearing down our flag, could bring bombardment upon every city along the Mississippi river, there was no safety to the non-combatants from the operations of war, nor in the surrender of places. And it was in mercy to the towns that we should take hereafter, and their inhabitants, that I felt it necessary to punish, according to the just laws of war, after a fair trial and full confession of guilt, William B. Mumford. To save human life and ameliorate the horrors of war, it became necessary exemplarily to punish this crime. I have a right to say here that, in no unauthorized manner, in the Department of the Gulf, has any other flag of the nation been taken from the place where it has been put by loyal hands. And whether rightfully or wrongfully done, that act still commends itself to my judgment.

And seeing the utter worthlessness of the man that treason has attempted to exalt into a patriot, I was inclined to spore Mumford, but that was not permitted to me. His associates, the thugs, roughs, rowdies, and gamblers, assembled in New Orleans on the night before his execution, and solemnly voted that Mumford should not be executed. It then became a question whether the mob should rule New Orleans, as it bad done for fifteen years previously, or the commanding general of the United States forces. From that day, however, there has never been any question on that subject.

The difficulties with which General Butler had become involved at the very outset of his administration, with the foreign consuls in New Orleans, foreshadowed a long series of complications with that body, embodying several grave questions of international comity. The news of the proceeding in the case of the consul of the Netherlands made some stir in the Northern States, and the subject having been brought to the notice of Mr. Seward by the British minister in the latter part of May, orders were issued from the War Department directing General Butler to refrain from practising any severities or strictness of doubtful right toward consuls or the subjects of any foreign Page 650 power. M. Mercier also laid before the Secretary of State the substance of a letter from Count Mejan, the French consul at New Orleans, who complained that domiciliary visits, without the authority of written orders, were made at all hours of the day and night; that arbitrary arrests and imprisonments were frequent and unseasonable; and that several keepers of bars, restaurants, billiard rooms, and similar establishments, had been compelled by General Butler, who claimed to act by virtue of martial law, to take out annual licenses in addition to those previously paid by them. In view of these representations, the Hon. Reverdy Johnson was early in June appointed a special commissioner to proceed to New Orleans and inquire into the transactions, involving any question of the violation of consular privileges, which had taken place there, and to report his decision to the Government.

The case of M. Conturie was the most important which came under Mr. Johnson's notice, and soon after his arrival in New Orleans a complaint was preferred by the French consul that he had been interrogated by General Butler with respect to a large amount of coin deposited at the consulate for safe keeping, and had been compelled to promise not to part with it until the matter could be investigated. As both transactions were similar in character, they were examined together, and the following statement of facts was reported by the commissioner:

The sum in the hands of the consul of the Netherlands, amounting to $800,000, was, under a resolution of the Board of Directors of the Citizens' Bank of New Orleans, of February 24,1862, paid to Mr. Edward J. Forstall of that city, the agent of Messrs. Hope & Co. of Amsterdam, to be transmitted at the first opportunity to that house, to enable it to protect the credit of the bank and of the State of Louisiana, by paying, as it accrued, the interest on certain bonds of the State, long before loaned to the bank, under an agreement that, before disposing of them, the bank should indorse them, and stipulate to meet punctually the interest and principal. The bonds were negotiated in Europe many years since by the bank, through the agency of the Amsterdam house, and the interest that had fallen due from time to time, up to the period of the advance to Mr. Forstall, had been regularly paid through the same agency. Mr. Forstall, having no safe place of his own for so large an amount of coin, deposited it for security with the consul of the Netherlands, taking his receipt for it at the time of the deposit. The transaction on the part of the bank was in no respect a secret one. The resolution which determined upon it was unanimously adopted at a full meeting of the Board of Directors, and inserted in their journal of proceedings, and all the corresponding and necessary entries were made in their appropriate places in the books of the bank.

The same bank, having occasion for a further credit in Europe on which to draw exchange, purchased of Messrs. Dupasseur and Co., a French house in the city, bills on Paris for about $750,000, paying for them as agreed in. coin. The amount was delivered to the house by the bank and deposited by them, they being French subjects, with the French consul, until it could be shipped to Paris, to cover the bills. At the same time the bills were handed to the bank, which transmitted them as soon as it could to its correspondent in Europe, to be at the proper period presented for acceptance and payment. It was a part of the understanding that the Paris bankers were not to accept until they were advised of the shipment of the coin. Before that could be effected, Major-General Butler, hearing that the coin was in possession of the consul, and conjecturing that the transaction was illegal, requested him to retain it.

From these facts Mr. Johnson concluded that  the transaction was a purely mercantile one, in perfect good faith, and that the United States could have no interest in the coin except upon the ground of forfeiture, for which there had never been any pretence. "If it be alleged,'" he observed, "as matter of suspicion (the proof is all the other way) that the purpose of the bank was to place so much of its funds beyond the control of the» United States, that, if true, would be no cause of forfeiture, there being no law, State or Congressional, to prohibit it. If it be alleged that the purpose was to place the fund in Europe for the advantage of the rebels, the answer is, there is not only no proof of the fact, but the proof actually before mo*wholly contradicts it." In a published card in reply to statements in the newspaper press as to the ultimate destination of the money, he denied emphatically that it had been sent in whole or in part to Havana to purchase arms and clothing for the Confederate Government, or that it had been employed for any purpose connected with secession. His report was approved by the President, and in the latter part of August instructions were sent to General Butler to relinquish all claims on behalf of the United States upon the funds in question.

On two other occasions General Butler was brought into conflict with the consuls under circumstances which produced an unusually acrimonious correspondence. In a communication dated June 11, the British, French, and Greek consuls complained that certain sugars bought by Covas & Co. and Ralli, Benachi & Co., foreign houses in New Orleans, on foreign account, in the usual manner in which such business is carried on, were prohibited by the commander-in-chief to be removed. "But," they added, "as the undersigned are disposed to waive all past proceedings, they beg that the order not permitting the removal of the produce in question be rescinded and the sugars left at the disposal of the purchasers."

In reply General Butler stated that he had information that Covas had sold sterling exchange for Confederate treasury notes, with which he Page 651 had purchased the sugars, for which reason he had directed the latter to be detained until the matter could be investigated. In allusion to the offer by the consuls "to waive all past proceedings," he used the following strong language:

What "proceedings" have you, or cither of you, to "waive" if you do feel disposed so to do? What right have you in the matter? What authority is vested in you by the laws of nations or of this country, which gives you the power to use such language to the representative of the United States in a quasi official communication? Commercial agents merely of a subordinate class, consuls have no power to waive or condone any proceeding, past or present, of the Government under whose protection they are permitted to reside so long os they behave well. If I have committed any wrong to Mr. Covas, you have no power to " waive" or pardon the penalty or prevent his having redress. If he has committed any wrong to the United States, you have still less power to shield him from punishment. I take leave to suggest, as a possible explanation of this sentence, that you have been so long dealing with a rebel Confederation, which has been supplicating you to make such representations to the Governments whose subjects you are, as would induce your sovereigns to aid it in its traitorous designs, that you have become rusty in the language proper to be used in representing the claims of your fellow citizens to the consideration of a great and powerful Government, entitled to equal respect with your own. In order to prevent ull misconception, and that, for the future, you, gentlemen, may know exactly the position upon which I act in regard to foreigners resident here, permit me to explain to you that I think a foreigner resident here has not one right more than an American citizen, but at least one right less, that is, that of meddling or interfering, by discussion, vote, or otherwise, with the affairs of government.

A few days subsequent to this correspondence the consuls of Spain, France, and several other countries presented an elaborate protest against those clauses in General Order No. 41, which prescribed a form of oath to be taken by all foreigners resident 5 years in the city, and who had not received a protection from their Government within 60 days previous to the publication of the order. The reply of General Butler was similar in style and tone to that above given. "Were it not," he said, "that some of the expressions of the document show that it was composed by some one born in the English togue, I should have supposed that many of the misconceptions of the purport of the order, which appear in the protest, arose from an imperfect acquaintance with the peculiarities of our language As it is, I am obliged to believe that the faithlessness of the Englishman who translated the order to you, and wrote the protest, will account for the misapprehensions under which you labor in regard to its terms." He then showed that the order was intended to roach a large class of foreign born residents who by their acts had lost their nationalities; that the limitation of the time in which protection must be given was necessary to secure good faith, some of the consuls having gone into, and being then actually in rebel service; that foreigners declining to take the oath were not prohibited, as was alleged, from leaving the city on application to the proper officers, and that those taking it did not necessarily become naturalized. He requested, in conclusion, that" no more argumentative protests" against his orders should be sent to him by the consuls as a body, that being no part of their duties or rights, but that they should make application for redress in the customary manner.

Business meanwhile began to assume somo activity; a degree of order previously unknown in the city was maintained, and, owing to the stringent quarantine regulations enforced by the commander-in-chief, the sanitary condition of all classes of the inhabitants was unusually good. On June 14, the first of a series of Union meetings was held, at which several of the old residents were present and made speeches, and the papers of the 17th announced a gratifying increase of Union sentiment among the population at large.

During the summer no material change in the condition of things was experienced, the attention of General Butler being directed toward the gradual weakening of the latent disunion power which still existed to a considerable extent among the wealthy classes. By an order issued July 25th, all negroes leaving New Orleans by direction of their masters, and who joined the national forces, were declared free; and early in the succeeding month a tax of $312,716 for the relief of the poor was levied on disloyal corporations and firms, being 25 per cent, of their contributions in aid of the Southern Confederacy. Confiscations of the property of prominent secessionists, as General Twiggs and John Slidell, were also ordered. Subsequent to August 11, all the inhabitants of New Orleans were disarmed by order of the military commandant of the city, a proceeding which elicited a remonstrance from the French consul in behalf of French subjects. In reply, General Butler stated that he "could see no just cause for complaint against the order," and promised the protection of the United States troops against any attempts at violence upon disarmed persons, no matter by whom attempted. To the Spanish consul, who protested against the stringency of the quarantine laws, he replied that his object in enforcing these laws in their strictness was " to save the inhabitants of New Orleans, as well Spanish as others, from the epidemic of yellow fever." In the latter part of August, the initiatory step in the formation of a negro soldiery was taken by reorganizing the "Native Guards," a colored corps of the Louisiana State militia, raised under the certificate issued by the former governor of the State, and placing them in the service of the United States. Other organizations of a similar kind followed, and by the close of the year this branch of the service was established on a permanent footing.

On September 24, General Lewis G. Arnold assumed command of all the national troops at New Orleans and Algiers, and on the same day General Butler created a panic among the secession sympathizers, by ordering all Americans, male Page 652 and female, in his department, to renew their allegiance to the United States Government, under pain of fine and imprisonment at hard labor, and at the same lime to submit a return of the amount of their real and personal property. The native population consequently flocked en masse to register their allegiance, and within a comparatively short time upward of 60,000 persons had complied with the order. Soon afterward an order was issued prohibiting all persons in New Orleans holding moneys or other property in trust for persons in or sympathizing with the Confederate service; or from paying over the same without an order from the military headquarters, under penalty of having to refund a similar amount to the United States; and on October 22 the relief commission, whose labors had been regularly prosecuted since the previous May, was directed to supply no family where there was an able-bodied male member over 18 and under 45 years of age, who was either not employed, or had not enlisted in the United States army.

The month of November was distinguished by a further series of orders. The most important of these was one, framed in accordance with the provisions of the confiscation act of July, 1862, declaring sequestered all the property in the district called La Fourche, on the west side of the Mississippi, and all in that part of the State lying east of the Mississippi, except the parishes of Orleans, St. Bernard, and Plaquemines. Within these portions of the State sales or transfers of property were prohibited, and a commission was appointed to take possession of the districts in question, under whose direction the sugar plantations were worked in the absence of their owners, and the property of disloyal persons inventoried and sold for the benefit of the Government. Prom these sales, which continued until the middle of December, considerable sums were realized. Another order suppressed distilleries and other manufactories of intoxicating liquors; another announced that any officer, found drinking intoxicating liquors in any public drinking place, would be recommended to the President for dismissal from the service; and a third prohibited the arrest of any slave unless known to be owned by a Union citizen, or the imprisonment of a slave unless his expenses should be prepaid, the slave to be released when the money was exhausted. General Butler also ordered a list of slaves confined in the police jail in the month of November to be published, and all whose jail fees were not paid within ten days to be discharged, adding: "This is the course taken in all countries with debtors confined by creditors, and slaves have not such commercial value in New Orleans as to justify their being held and fed by the city, relying upon any supposed lien upon the slave." A prominent feature in the history of this month was a Union meeting, held on the loth, which was terminated by a grand torchlight procession through the principal streets. On the same day the "National Advocate " newspaper, established a few months previous, by Jacob Barker, and suppressed by order of General Butler, for an improper publication, was allowed to be resumed, the editor having made a public apology. On December 3, in compliance with an order from General Shepley, the military governor of Louisiana, an election for members of Congress was held, at which Benjamin F. Flanders and Michael Halm were chosen to represent the first and second districts of the State, the elective franchise being accorded to all citizens who had taken the oath of allegiance.

The next event of importance was the arrival, on the evening of December 14, of General Banks, who had been appointed to supersede General Butler in command of the Department of the Gulf. The news excited surprise among all classes, and not a few of those opposed to the restoration of the national supremacy were sorry to part with an officer who, if obnoxious from his zeal in the discharge of his duties, had brought unexampled order and security to the city. A meeting of the two generals took place on the 15th, at which General Butler tendered a cordial welcome to his successor, assuring him that the troops would render a cheerful obedience to his orders, and, on the 16th, General Banks issued a general order assuming command of the Department of the Gulf and of the State of Texas. Another order required all military and civil officers in the department to report to him, and a third suspended all public sales of property on account of the United States until further orders. On the 15th, General Butler took leave of the troops lately under his command, alluding in glowing terms to their success in the field, to the restoration of order and quiet to New Orleans, to the feeding of starving wives and children of enemies, and stating that the expedition, had cost the Government less by four fifths than any other. He said that the speaking of the word "farewell" was the only sorrowful thought he had, and commended them to their new commander as one worthy of their esteem. The following address to the people of New Orleans was issued on the succeeding day:

Citizens of New Orleans: It may not be inappropriate, as it is not inopportune in occasion, that there should be addressed to you a few words at parting, by one whose name is to be hereafter indissolubly connected with jour city. I shall speak in no bitterness, because I am not conscious of a single personal animosity. Commanding the Army of the Gulf, 1 found you captured, but not surrendered; conquered, but not orderly; relieved from the presence of an army, but incapable of taking care of yourselves. So far from it, you had called upon a foreign legion to protect you from yourselves. I restored order, punished crime, opened commerce, brought provisions to your starving people, reformed your currency, and gave you quiet protection, such as you had not enjoyed for many years. While doing this, my soldiers were subjected to obloquy, reproach, and insult. And now, speaking to you, who know the truth, I here declare that whoever has quietly remained about his business, afinrdine; neither aid nor comfort to the enemies of the United States, has never been interfered with by the soldiers Page 653 of the United States. The men who had assumed to govern you and to defend your city in arms having Bed, some of your women flouted at the presence of those who came to protect them. By a simple order (No. 28) I called upon every soldier of this army to treat the women of New Orleans as a gentleman should deal with the sex, with such effect that I now call upon the just-minded ladies of New Orleans to say whether they have ever enjoyed so complete protection and calm quiet for themselves and their families as since the advent of the United States troops. The enemies of my country, unrepentant and implacable, I have treated with merited severity. I hold that rebellion is treason, and that treason persisted in is death, and any punishment short of that due a traitor gives so much clear gain to him from the clemency of the Government. Upon this thesis have I administered the authority of the United States, because of which I am not unconscious of complaint. I do not feel that I have erred in too much harshness, for that harshness has ever been exhibited to disloyal enemies of my country, and not to loyal friends. To be sure, I might have regaled you with the amenities of British civilization, and yet been within the supposed rules of civilized warfare. You might have been smoked to death in caverns, as were the covenanters of Scotland, by the command of a general of the royal bouse of England; or roasted like the inhabitants of Algiers during the French campaign; your wives and daughters might have been given over to the ravisher, as were the unfortunate dames of Spain in the Peninsula war; or you might have been scalped and tomahawked as our mothers were at Wyoming, by savage allies of Great Britain, in our own Revolution; your property could have been turned over to indiscriminate " loot," like the palace of the Emperor of China; works of art which adorned your buildings might have been sent away, like the paintings of the Vatican; your sons might have been blown from the mouths of cannon, like the sepoys of Delhi; and yet all this would have been within the rules of civilized warfare as practised by the .most polished and the most hypocritical nations of Europe. For such acts the records of the doings of some of the inhabitants of your city toward the friends of the Union, before my coming, were a sufficient provocative and justification. But I have not so conducted. On the contrary, the worst punishment inflicted, except for criminal acts punishable by every law, has been banishment, with labor, to a barren island, where I encamped my own soldiers before marching here. It is true, I have levied upon the wealthy rebels, and paid out nearly half a million of dollars to feed forty thousand of the starving poor of all nations assembled here, made so by this war. I saw that this rebellion was a war of the aristocrat against the middling men; of the rich against the poor; a war of the landowner against the laborer; that it was a struggle for the retention of power in the hands of the few against the many; and I found no conclusion to it save in the subjugation of the few and the disenthralment of the many. I therefore felt no hesitation in taking the substance of tbc wealthy, who had caused the war, to feed the innocent poor who had suffered by the war. And I shall now leave you with the proud consciousness that I carry with me the blessings of the humble and loyal under the roof of the cottage and in the cabin of the slave, and so am quite content to incur the sneers of the salon or the curses of the rich. I found you trembling at the terrors of servile insurrection. All danger of this I have prevented by so treating the slave that he had no cause to rebel. I found the dungeon, the chain, and the lash your only means of enforcing obedience in your servants, i leave them peaceful, laborious, controlled by the laws of kindness and justice. I have demonstrated that the pestilence can be kept from your borders. I have added a million of dollars to your wealth in the form of new land from the battue of the Mississippi. I have cleansed and improved your streets, canals, and public squares, and opened new avenues to unoccupied and. I have given you freedom of elections, greater than you have ever enjoyed before. I have caused justice to be administered so impartially that your own advocates have unanimously complimented the judges of my appointment. You have seen, therefore, the benefit of the laws and justice of the Government against which you have rebelled. Why, then, will you not all return to your allegiance to that Government— not with lip service, but with the heart? I conjure you, if you desire to see renewed prosperity, giving business to your streets and wharves—if you nope to see your city become again the mart of the Western world, fed by its rivers for more than three thousand miles, draining the commerce of a country greater than the mind of man bath ever conceived—return to your allegiance.  If you desire to leave to your children the inheritance you received of your fathers—a stable constitutional government—if you desire that they should in the future be a portion of the greatest empire the sun ever shone upon—return to your allegiance. There is but one thing that stands in the way. There is but one thing that this hour stands between yon and the Government, and that is slavery. The institution, cursed of God, which has taken its last refuge here, in His providence will be rooted out as the tares from the wheat, although the wheat be torn up with it. I have given much thought to this subject. I came among you, by teachings, by habit of mind, by political position, by social affinity, inclined to sustain your domestic laws, if by possibility they might be with safety to the Union. Months of experience and of observation have forced the conviction that the existence of slavery is incompatible with the safety either of yourselves or of the Union. As the system has gradually grown to its present huge dimensions, it were best if it could be gradually removed; but it is better, far better, that it should be taken out at once than that it should longer vitiate the social, political, and family relations of your country. I am speaking with no philanthropic views as regards the slave, but simply of the effect of slavery on the master. See for yourselves. Look around you and say whether this saddening, deadening influence has not all but destroyed the very framework of your society. I am speaking the farewell words of one who has shown his devotion to his country at the peril of his life lad fortune, who in these words can have neither hope nor interest, save the good of those whom he addresses; and let me here repeat, with all the solemnity of an appeal to Heaven to bear me witness, that such are the views forced upon me by experience. Come, then, to the unconditional support of the Government. Take into your own hands your own institutions; remodel them according to the laws of nations and of God, and thus attain that great prosperity assured to you by geographical position, only a portion of which was heretofore yours.

                   BENJAMIN F. BUTLER.

To the address of the retiring commander-in-chief succeeded the following proclamation of General Banks:

Headquarters, Department or the Gulf,

New Orleans, December 16,1862.

In obedience to orders from the President of the United States, I assume command of the Department of the Gulf, to which is added, by bis special order, the State of Texas.

The duty with which I am charged requires me to assist in the restoration of the Government of the United States. It is my desire to secure to the people of every class all the privileges of possession and enjoyment consistent with public safety, or which it is possible for a beneficent and just government to confer.

In execution of the high trust with which'I am charged, I rely upon the cooperation and counsel of all loyal and well-disposed people, and upon the manifest interest of those dependent upon the pursuits of peace, as well as upon the support of the naval and land forces.

My instructions require me to treat as enemies those Page 654 who are enemies, but I shall gladly treat as friends those who are friends. No restrictions will be placed upon the freedom of individuals which is not imperatively demanded by considerations of public safety; but, while their claims will be liberally considered, it is due also to them to state that all the rights of the Government will be unflinchingly maintained. Respectful consideration and prompt reparation will be accorded to all persons who are wronged in body or estate by those under my command.

The Government does not profit by the prolongation of the civil contest, or private or public sulleriugs which attend it Its fruits are not equally distributed. In disloyal States desolation has its empire, both on sea and on land. In the North the war is an abiding sorrow, but not yet a calamity. Its cities and towns are increasing in population, wealth, and power. Refugees from the South alone compensate in great part Tor the terrible decimations of battle.

The people of this department who are disposed to stake their fortunes and lives upon resistance to the Government, may wisely reflect upon the immutable conditions which surround them. The valley of the Mississippi is the chosen seat of population, product, and power on this continent. In a few years twenty-five millions of people, unsurpassed in material resources, and capacity for war, will swarm upon its fertile rivers. Those who assume to set conditions upon their exodus to the Gulf count upon power not given to man. The country washed by the waters of the Ohio, Missouri, and Mississippi can never be permanently severed. If one generation basely barters away its rights, immortal honors will rest upon another that reclaims them.

Let it never be said cither that the East and the West may be separated. Thirty days' distance from the markets of Europe may satisfy the wants of Louisiana and Arkansas, but it will not answer the demands of Illinois and Ohio. The valley of the Mississippi will have its deltas upon the Atlantic. The physical force of the West will debouch upon its shores with power as resistless as the torrents of its giant river.

This country cannot be permanently divided. Ceaseless wars may drain its blood and treasure; domestic tyrants or foreign foes may grasp the sceptre of its power; but its destiny wilt remain unchanged. It will still be united. God has ordained it. What avails, then, the destruction of the best Government ever devised by man, and the self-adjusting, self-correcting Constitution of the United States?

People of the Southwest, why not accept the conditions imposed by the imperious necessities of geographical configuration and commercial supremacy, and reestablish your ancient prosperity and renown? Why not become founders of States, which, as entrepots and depots of your own central and upper valleys, may stand in affluence of their resources without a superior, and in the privileges of the people without a peer among the nations of the earth

           N. P. BANKS,

           Major-General Commanding.

The commencement of General Banks's administration was marked by a leniency which seemed to indicate that the severity General Butler had thought it necessary to exercise was either distasteful to the new commander or contrary to the policy of the Government, and among other conciliatory measures adopted was one releasing a number of political prisoners. But a portion of the people abused his clemency by various demonstrations, which brought out the following significant warning:

HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF,  New Orleans, December 21, 1862.

Information has been received at these headquarters that publications, injurious to the character of soldiers if the United States, are circulated in the streets, and that anonymous and threatening letters are sent to officers connected with the public service. Such practices are indecent, offensive, and criminal, and must be suppressed. The troops of this department are instructed to observe a respectful deportment to all persons, and the same deference will be exacted from all persons in their favor. Any attempt on the part of any person whatever by offensive personal conduct to excite passion, or which tends to personal altercation or controversy and the disturbance of the public peace, will be punished with the sharpest seventy known to the military laws. The Commanding General requests that any violation of this order may be reported to these headquarters or to the Provost Marshal General.

             By command of Major-General BANKS.

That this did not immediately produce the effect intended was shown by the riotous conduct of several citizens, who, on Christmas Day, cheered in the public streets for President Davis, and vised threatening language toward the military authorities. Prompt measures were taken to prevent the repetition of such acts, and the close of the year found the city excited and exhilarated at having escaped from the iron rule of General Butler, and apparently confident of its ability to disconcert a commander in every respect competent to rule with harshness, should his moderation be despised. The population of New Orleans in 1860 was 168,675.


Source: The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.