Naval Battles

Chesapeake Bay

Many of the most dramatic incidents connected with the early history of the war occurred in the neighborhood of Hampton Roads and in the waters of the historic Chesapeake Bay. Here was the theater of action for the famous duel between the Merrimac and Monitor. The excellent anchorage afforded by Hampton Roads, its proximity to the nation's capital, the protection afforded by Fortress Monroe, made it the rendezvous of the Home squadron, and later the station for the flag-ship of the North Atlantic blockading squadron. The blockading operations had their inception in the Chesapeake and were efficiently maintained without interruption until the close of hostilities. The first battle of the war in which the navy took part was at Acquia creek, Virginia, on the Potomac river, May 31, 1861. Hampton Roads commanded the entrance to the Elizabeth and the James rivers, and thus the water-approaches to the Norfolk navy-yard and to the capital of the Confederacy.

In order to keep open water communication with Washington, and to prevent communication between the two shores of the Potomac, as well as to protect transports and supply-vessels in their passage up and down that river, the Potomac flotilla was formed in May, 1861, under the command of Commander James H. Ward, and originally formed a part of the Atlantic blockading squadron. The operations of this flotilla during the war, under its several commanders, Ward, Craven, Wyman, Page 73 Harwood and Parker, were comparatively unimportant, being chiefly confined to checking contraband traffic along the hostile frontier, and to active participation in the movements of the army. When the Confederate batteries along the Potomac were evacuated in March, 1862, and General McClellan's army moved on the Peninsular campaign, the Rappahannock was added to the waters intrusted to this squadron, which also took part in active operations on some of the other Virginia rivers in connection with the army campaigns. At the beginning of. the war the Confederates had erected batteries on the Potomac river at Acquia creek in the effort to shut off communication between Washington and the sea. On May 31, 1861, Ward attacked these batteries in the steamer Freeborn, supported by the other vessels of the flotilla, the Anacosta and Resolute. The firing continued for 2 hours, and the three shore batteries of the enemy were silenced. The action was renewed on the following day, when a higher tier of batteries was engaged, the action lasting from 11 30 a. tn. to 4:30 p. m. The gunboat Pawnee, Commander Rowan, had been sent down from Washington and assisted with her heavy battery in the bombardment of the second day. Some damage was done to the vessels, but no one was killed. Ward was killed June 27, 1861, at Matthias point, where he had made a landing in the morning with two boats' crews from the Pawnee and one from the Freeborn to clear away the woods, which afforded shelter to the enemy who were preparing to erect a battery. Almost as soon as he had landed, a force of the enemy numbering several hundred made its appearance. Ward returned to the Freeborn and ordered Lieutenant Chaplin and his men to lie off in their boats while he prepared to cover them with the guns of his vessels. Chaplin again landed his men and threw up a sand-bag breastwork, which was completed about 5 p. m. The men then started to their boats to go on board for some guns to mount on the work, and as they Page 74 were embarking, the enemy again advanced and opened a galling fire upon them from the bushes near by. The guns of the Freeborn meanwhile were pouring in a hot fire on the enemy. All the men succeeded in gaining the boats except Chaplin, and one other man, who was unable to swim. Chaplin, with the utmost gallantry, took him, musket and all, on his shoulders and swam out with him to the boat. As Ward was sighting his bow-gun, he received a Minie ball in the abdomen, which caused his death a few hours later. Only 3 men of the boats were wounded and Ward's was the only life lost.

Allusion has already been made to the loss of the Norfolk navy-yard at the beginning of the war. The yard was situated at Gosport, a suburb of Portsmouth, on the left bank of the Elizabeth river, nearly opposite the town of Norfolk, and about 9 miles above Sewell's point. It was in active operation in the spring of 1861 and was filled with a very large supply of arms and munitions of war, as well as nearly a dozen more or less valuable war vessels. (See chapter "Condition of the Navy.") In commenting on the loss of this valuable property, a well known writer on naval affairs says: "It is certain that the whole story of this event will never be told, for it was brought about by officers of the navy, who, after serving honorably for many years under the flag, were not only willing to turn on the flag, as many did with satisfied consciences, but were willing to stoop to the shameful work of pretending to be loyal advisers of the nation's naval secretary when they were secretly plotting the destruction of the nation. While Virginia had not yet passed the ordinance of secession (Virginia seceded April 18), these men lost no opportunity to impress upon the mind of the secretary of the navy the importance of doing nothing to offend the State of Virginia." Despite the extremely threatening aspect of affairs, the government hesitated to take any step which would crystallize opposition to the Union and drive the great Page 75 State of Virginia into secession. Commodore McCauley, the commandant of the yard, was an old man who was evidently no match for the group of disloyal advisers about him. He hesitated until too late and finally, what was little more than a disgraceful panic brought about the loss of the yard. The efforts made by the secretary of the navy during the last days to save the yard were largely nullified by the vacillation of McCauley and the treachery of the men about him. On March 31, 250 seamen were ordered to Norfolk from the navy-yard at New York, and 50 were transferred to the revenue cutter, Harriet Lane which was sent to Norfolk. On April 10 the commandant was ordered to put the shipping and public property in shape to be moved out of danger, though he was even then told to be careful about giving needless alarm. The government was especially concerned about the valuable steam frigate Merrimac in the yard undergoing repairs, as McCauley had stated the necessary repairs to the engine would take four weeks. On April n the department ordered Commander James Alden to take command of the Merrimac, and sent down B. F. Isherwood to expedite matters. The latter bore a letter to McCauley which stated: "The department desires to have the Merrimac removed from Norfolk to the Philadelphia navy-yard with the utmost despatch. The Engineer-in-Chief, Mr. B. F. Isherwood, has been ordered to report to you for the purpose of expediting the duty, and you will have his suggestions for that end carried promptly into effect." The work on the Merrimac was at once begun and by the afternoon of the 17th, the engines were reported to be in working order. Though 44 firemen and coal heavers were ready to take the vessel out at once, the commandant decided to wait until the next morning for fear of giving offense. The vessel was reported ready to move with a good head of steam on soon after daybreak, when McCauley said he had decided not to send her out, and this despite his explicit instructions. At Page 76 two in the afternoon he ordered her fires drawn. During the first excitement a party of men, without any authority, had seized the light-ships, floated them down to the shallowest point at the mouth of the harbor and sunk them in an effort to prevent the removal of the vessels of war from the yard. These obstructions were assigned by McCauley as a reason for his decision not to send the Merrimac out, though Alden assured him he could readily clear away the obstacles.

As a further measure to safeguard the valuable property at the yard, Captain Hiram Paulding had been ordered by the department to proceed to Norfolk in the Pawnee, then lying at Washington, and he arrived at the yard Saturday evening, the 20th, having on board the Pawnee a regiment of Massachusetts volunteers that had embarked at Fortress Monroe. His instructions directed him to "save what he could and act as he thought proper." Before his arrival, however, McCauley had begun the work of destruction. Friday night the guns in the parks were spiked—an injury which was afterwards repaired by the Confederates within a few hours. The next day the Southern officers on duty in the yard resigned or deserted, and the mechanics, who were all citizens of Virginia, were induced to leave in a body. The work of destroying or removing the property went on and four of the ships were scuttled. General Taliaferro and staff had arrived at Norfolk on the 19th. He had command of all the Virginia troops in that section, and was waited on by the captains of the several military companies of the city and vicinity, who reported their strength to him and asked for orders. The report was spread and believed that thousands of Virginia militia were arriving to reinforce the local companies. As a matter of fact several companies from Richmond and Petersburg did arrive on the 20th, bringing with them 14 large rifled cannon and a large supply of ammunition. The arrival of the troops completed the demoralization in the Page 77 yard. Meanwhile, the greatest excitement prevailed in Norfolk. When it was reported that the Cumberland was about to sail from the navy-yard batteries were erected opposite and other preparations made to resist the attempt. In communications which passed between McCauley and Taliaferro the latter disclaimed any knowledge of the existence of batteries—a statement with which the commandant was obliged to rest satisfied. On the other hand McCauley promised that none of the vessels should be removed, nor a shot fired except in self-defense. This quieted the excitement for a brief period, but it was soon renewed, when it was learned that some of the vessels had been scuttled, that the heavy shears on the wharf at which the Germantown was lying had been cut away and allowed to fall midships across her decks, carrying away the main topmast and yards. It could also be seen that men were busily engaged in destroying or throwing overboard side and small arms, and other property, and that boats were constantly passing between the Pennsylvania, Cumberland and other vessels. Admiral Porter afterwards wrote in his Naval History of the Civil War: "The broadside of the Germantown, which was all ready for sea and only waiting a crew, would have saved the navy-yard against attack, overawed Norfolk and Portsmouth, and prevented the channel from being obstructed by the Confederates." He further states that the "five heavy guns on a side on board the Pennsylvania," with 50 good seamen on board, "could have bid defiance to 5,000 Confederates in arms and held Norfolk and Portsmouth." And again, "after the arrival of the Pawnee had made the yard doubly secure, the shells were drawn from the Pennsylvania's guns, and the guns spiked." Soley says: "It had been Paulding's intention to make a disposition of the vessels at various points between Norfolk and the mouth of the river in such a way as to command the channel. He would have been able to hold this position until the arrival of the newly Page 78 chartered steamers, when he could have brought off all the ships in safety. But the action which had been taken only two hours before at the yard forestalled his plan, and though the Pawnee and Cumberland were a really formidable force, which, with the infantry regiment, could have held the enemy in check until other reinforcements arrived or the property was removed—or at least until the work of destruction was completed—Paulding decided to burn the principal buildings and abandon the yard." Several different parties were organized to carry out the programme of destruction; men tried in vain to knock the trunnions from the guns that had been spiked; others soaked the storehouses, workshops, ship-houses and the decks of the ships with tar and turpentine; while still another party laid a mine in the dry dock, where 2,600 barrels of powder were placed, but for some reason unexplained the fuse failed to ignite the powder and the dry dock escaped destruction. The great magazine with its valuable contents had already been seized by the Virginia authorities without resistance. Within it were 3,000 barrels of powder, as well as a large number of loaded shells and other missiles. "It was a beautiful starlight night, April 20, when all the preparations were completed. The people of Portsmouth and Norfolk were wrapped in slumber, little dreaming that in a few hours the ships and public works which were so essential to the prosperity of the community would be a mass of ruins and hundreds of people would be without employment and without food for their families. The Pawnee had towed the Cumberland out of the reach of the fire and lay at anchor to receive on board those who were to fire the public property. Commodore McCauley had gone to bed that night, worn out with excitement and anxiety, under the impression that the force that had arrived at Norfolk was for the purpose of holding the yard and relieving him of responsibility. When he was called at midnight and informed that the torch would be applied to Page 79 everything, he could hardly realize the situation, and was chagrined and mortified at the idea of abandoning his post without any attempt to defend it. At 2:30 a. m., a rocket from the Pawnee gave the signal; the work of destruction commenced with the Merrimac, and in ten minutes she was one vast sheet of flame. In quick succession the trains to the other ships and buildings were ignited and the surrounding country beautifully illuminated." The flames and heat from the immense mass of burning material were set by a southwest wind directly towards the line of vessels moored on the edge of the channel opposite the yard and nearly all of these were speedily enveloped in flames. The roar of the great conflagration could be heard miles away, and to this were added occasional discharges from the heavy guns of the old Pennsylvania, ship-of-the-line, as they became successively heated. Of the vessels in the yard, only the Pawnee and the Cumberland, both full-manned, were saved to the Union. Despite the enormous destruction wrought, much of value escaped and proved of priceless value to the Confederacy. In addition to the great dry-dock, the magazine and its contents, and some 2,000 cannon, at least 1,200 of which were practically uninjured, the machinery of the yard was generally unimpaired. A large and valuable collection of ship-building and outfitting material, including a number of steel plates and iron castings, was found ready for use. The Germantown, Plymouth and Merrimac were raised by the Confederates, but time and money were wanting to equip the first two for sea. The later career of the Merrimac, which forms one of the most interesting episodes in naval history will now be detailed.

When the Merrimac was raised her upper works were found to be destroyed, but her hull, boilers, and the heavy and costly part of her engines were found to be little damaged. It was then planned to convert her into what was hoped would be an invulnerable vessel, to gain and hold control of the navigable Page 80 waters in and about Chesapeake bay, a region of vital importance to both the North and the South. The war now became a contest between the naval constructors of the two sections—a contest in which the South won the first successes by reason of her promptness in preparation. Lieutenant John M. Brooke, C. S. N., formerly of the American navy, was ordered to Richmond June 10, 1861, to form one of a board of officers to prepare the designs and specifications of an ironclad vessel, and an engineer and a constructor were associated with him in the work. Brooke "entered upon this duty at once, and a few days thereafter submitted to the department, as the results of his investigations, rough drawings of a casemated vessel, with submerged ends and inclined iron-plated sides. The ends of the vessel and the eaves of the casemate, according to his plan, were to be submerged two feet, and a light bulwark or false bow was designed to divide the water and prevent it from banking up on the forward part of the shield with the vessel in motion, and also to serve as a tank to regulate the ship's draft. His design was approved by the department, and Constructor J. L. Porter was brought up from Norfolk to Richmond to assist in making the working drawings. Porter had already been considering this subject and brought with him a model of a light-draft, screw-driven scow, that was to support a casemated battery, with inclined iron covered sides and ends. In the opinion of Brooke this would have been, for ordinary purposes, a good boat for harbor defense, but a blunt-ended hull was, naturally, not to the liking of a naval man and he proposed to have the ends of the hull prolonged and shaped like those of any fast vessel, and submerged two feet under water, so that nothing was to be seen afloat but the shield itself."

The plans were drawn in accordance with the above ideas, and in casting about for suitable engines to drive the ship, Chief Engineer W. P. Williamson thought of the hulk of the Merrimac, Page 81 when it was decided that the old vessel could be transformed into a suitable ironclad. Williamson thoroughly overhauled the engines, already defective, and further damaged by fire and water, while Brooke gave his attention to the armor, "constructed targets, ascertained by actual tests the resistance offered by inclined plates of iron to heavy ordnance, determined interesting and important facts in connection therewith, and which were of great importance in the construction of the ship, devised and prepared the models and drawings of the ship's heavy ordnance, being guns of a class never before made and of extraordinary power and strength." Porter attended to the actual work of construction. He cut the hull of the Merrimac down to the level of the berth deck. "Then he laid a heavy timber deck over the entire hull, and on this, amidships, he erected a casemate, with its walls inclined in at an angle of about 36 degrees, according to one of her officers, and 45 according to another. This casemate was two feet thick and was made of 12inch timbers standing on end, covered with 8-inch timbers laid horizontally, which were in turn covered with oak plank 4 inches thick. On these were laid iron plates 2 inches thick and 8 inches wide, placed horizontally, with another layer of the same dimensions over them placed vertically. The side-walls of this casemate projected down and out over the sides of the hull, like the eaves of a country house, to protect the water-line, and the hull itself was plated with i-inch iron for 2 feet below the deck, although the design called for 3-inch iron. The inclined sides were carried up high enough to give 7 feet head room inside, and then a heavy flat deck 20 feet wide, with hatches in it, was laid across. On the bow, 2 feet below the water-line, was bolted a cast-iron wedge that projected 2 feet from the stem and was for use as a ram. The battery of the Merrimac contained 6 of the 9-inch Dahlgrens found in the Norfolk navy-yard, and 4 rifles designed by Brooke. Two of these rifles were mounted Page 82 as pivots at bow and stern, and 2 were in the broadside. The pivots were cast-iron muzzle-loading rifles of 17-inch caliber and weighed 14,500 pounds each." The weight of such a gun will be best understood when it is known that the largest and heaviest gun used at that time in the British navy was an 8-inch 68-pounder, weighing only 9,500 pounds. The Brooke rifles were further strengthened by wrought-iron bands shrunk on the casting and were doubtless the best guns then in existence. The 2 broadside guns were similarly constructed, but smaller, being of 4-inch caliber and weighing 9,000 pounds. "When ready for a trial trip, with all weights on board, the Merrimac drew 22 feet 6 inches of water. Her crew numbered 320. She was commanded by Flag-officer Franklin Buchanan, and Lieutenant Catesby Jones was chief officer. Another lieutenant was John Taylor Wood, and both of these lieutenants have written accounts of the ship. They agree in saying that the engines were in wretched order and that the great draft of the ship was a serious disadvantage in the waters where she was to be used. Nevertheless, for smooth water she was the most powerful ship afloat. She was named the Virginia, and should have been called so in history, for she was a rebuilt ship, but it is too late to change history now."

While the Confederates promptly began the work of constructing their ironclad in June, 1861, Washington awaited the slow action of Congress, which did not convene in extra session until July 5. For some inexplicable reason, the fact that the Confederates were busily engaged in constructing a powerful ironclad at Norfolk, created little comment in the North, and there is nothing to indicate that a serious thought was given the matter by the naval officers on duty in Hampton Roads, all of whom were trained in the old conservative school and believed with Lord Howard Douglas and other eminent British authorities, that a ship plated with iron would prove more dangerous Page 83 to her own crew than to an enemy in one of the well approved frigates of the period. True, attention had been directed to the experiments conducted by France and England in i860 and 1861, in the construction by those nations of powerful batteries protected by iron screens and of iron-cased ships. Attention had also been called to the fact that the heavy frigates of the Union navy could be made shell-proof with iron plates and the armament on the upper deck dispensed with on account of the additional weight. The line-of-battle ships .could be rendered more efficient by cutting them down one or two decks, casing them with 5-inch iron plates, and providing them with an armament of the heaviest character. Practical men were talking also of the ease with which barks, brigs and coasting schooners could be transformed into war vessels by providing them with the proper armament. The matter came before Congress at the extra session and on August 3, 1861, an act was approved directing the secretary of the navy "to appoint a board of three skillful naval officers to investigate the plans and specifications that may be submitted for the construction or completing of iron-clad steamships or steam-batteries, and on their report, should it be favorable, the secretary of the navy will cause one or more armored, or iron or steel-clad steamships or floating steam-batteries to be built, and there is hereby appropriated, out of any money in the treasury not otherwise appropriated, the sum of $1,500,000."

Commodores Joseph Smith and H. Paulding, and Captain C. H. Davis, three of the ablest officers in the service, were appointed as the ironclad board, and convened on the 8th, but did not present their report until September 16. This long delay was the direct cause of the disaster of March 8, 1862, and the destruction of the Congress and the Cumberland. Of the 17 propositions and specifications submitted to the board for its consideration, only three were selected as worthy of recommendation and resulted Page 84 in the building of the New Ironsides, the Galena and the Monitor. The Galena was a failure as an ironclad; the New Ironsides later proved a great success; and the Monitor worked a practical revolution in naval warfare.

The plan of the Monitor was from the fertile brain of John Ericsson, who had already given to the world the submerged screw-propeller. Concerning his proposal the board said: "This plan of a floating battery is novel, but seems to be based on a plan which will render the battery shot and shell-proof. It is to be apprehended that her properties for sea are not such as a sea-going vessel should possess. But she may be moved from one place to another on the coast in smooth water. We recommend that an experiment be made with one battery of this description on the terms proposed, with a guarantee and forfeiture in case of failure in any of the properties and points of the vessel as proposed. Price, $275,000; length of vessel, 174 feet; breadth of beam, 41 feet; depth of hold, n y2 feet; time, 100 days; displacement, 1,245 tons; speed per hour, 9 statute miles." The contract with Captain Ericsson was signed October 5, 1861, and the extraordinary provision was introduced that the test of the battery, upon which its acceptance depended, should be its ability to withstand the fire of the enemy's batteries at the shortest ranges, the government on its part agreeing to fit out the vessel with men, guns, etc. Ericsson further stipulated that the battery would be completed within 100 days from the signing of the contract. The vessel was begun in the latter part of October, when the keel was stretched at the Continental iron works, Greenpoint, Brooklyn. The men worked in three shifts, each for 8 hours, and there was no interruption in the work, until the vessel was launched January 30, 1862, under the name of Monitor. As she approached completion the naval department rushed the work still more when it learned that the Merrimac was further advanced than had been supposed. Commander Page 85 D. D. Porter had been sent to make a thorough examination of Ericsson's vessel, and report on her ability to deal with an enemy. He wired, "This is the strongest fighting vessel in the world and can whip anything afloat." A month before the Monitor was launched the Confederates had learned through their spies of the condition of the vessel and the day on which she would probably be launched, "in consequence of which information the number of workmen on the Merrimac was doubled and the work carried on day and night. This extra effort made all the difference in the world, and doubtless gained the one day which enabled the Confederate vessel to commit such havoc without any effectual opposition." The following brief description of the Monitor is from the pen of Prof. Soley: "The new structure consisted of a small iron hull, upon which rested a large raft, surmounted by a revolving turret. The hull was 124 feet long, and 34 feet wide at the upper edge. The raft projected at the bow and stern, its total length being 50 feet greater than that of the hull. Its overhang amidships was 3 feetrB inches wide, gradually increasing towards the bow and stern. The raft was 5 feet deep, and was protected by a side arminrHvf 5 one-inch iron plates backed by oak. The deck was coVeited with 2 half-inch plates, over timber laid on heavy wooden ibteanoK The turret was armored with 8 one-inch plates, and its mmofeaqiq protected with railroad iron. In it were two Xl-inch Dahlgren guns. The pilot-house was placed on deck, in front of the turret, and was built of square iron bars or logs, notchid ,togt4hel? with a bolt through the corners. On the top of therlpildtelToroW was an iron plate, an inch and a half thick, set ihjw^ed^evivigfcH out fastenings." bw ianuJ arlj 10

As the event proved, the department madavaljaest sdfcfcdteht selection for the command of the Monitor John L. Worden. At Worden's request was ordered as executive officer, there Page 86 masters, Stodder and Webber, and four engineer officers, of whom the senior was First Assistant-Engineer Isaac Newton, while Chief-Engineer A. C. Stimers made the first voyage to report to the government upon the Monitor's machinery. The crew were volunteers selected by Worden from the receiving-ship North Carolina and the frigate Sabine. "A better one," says Worden, "no naval commander ever had the honor to command."

It was generally recognized by experienced naval officers that this first monitor had many grave defects both as a sea-going and as a fighting vessel, many even declaring that she would surely sink in the first rough water encountered—an opinion largely justified by her subsequent career. On February 25, 1862, she was placed in commission and 10 days later Worden started for Hampton Roads, without a trial trip and with no means of judging how she was going to behave. Her crew had been given scant time to become familiar with the management of the experimental craft during the few days she had been in commission. Her chief imperfections have been thus summed up: "Her armored deck or raft was attached to the hull by a single set of rivets, which were unequal to the strain caused by a heavy sea striking the projecting bow from underneath. Her smoke-pipes and blower-pipes projected only a few feet above the deck and could hardly fail to ship large quantities of water in a heavy sea. In action, her weakest point was the pilot house. Its rude structure, that of an iron log hut, was ill-calculated to resist the blow of a heavy projectile. Its roof was detached, merely resting by its weight on the walls. Its position on the deck forward of the turret was disadvantageous, as it precluded end-on fire when the vessel was approaching an enemy, and reduced the circular sweep of the guns by nearly eight points. But the worst feature of the arrangement was the separation of the captain who was manoeuvring the ship from the lieutenant who was Page 87 working the turret and firing the guns. Each was entirely cut off from the other, except by a speaking tube, which opened in the floor of the movable turret, and through which the sound would only pass when the turret was in its normal position. * * * Finally, the machinery for turning the turret, a wheel and rod connected by gearing with the turret-engine, was so defective that the turret was equally slow in starting, and, once started, in coming to a stop; and there was hardly time to point the guns before the muzzles had swept by their target. But considering the time in which she was built, the wonder is not that she was imperfect, but that she was in anywise ready; and it was well for the country that she did not wait another day to complete her preparations." The workmen were busy throughout the night before she sailed and she finally started down the harbor Thursday morning, March 6, in tow of the Seth Low, a small tug, and also propelled by her own steam-power. She was accompanied by two unseaworthy gunboats, the Carrituck and the Sachem. Her presence in Hampton Roads was imperatively needed by the threatened descent of the ironclad Merrimac upon the Union shipping. In case stormy weather was encountered, the original plan was to make a harbor, and thus avoid the dangers to which such a vessel would be subjected. The voyage, however, was performed through a heavy gale of wind and rough seas, which the Monitor happily weathered, although the seas rolled over the top of the turret, and the water was driven with violence through the openings necessarily left for ventilation, the escape of smoke, etc. "The belts on the fans got wet, so that it was impossible to keep up the draft, and the engineers and firemen were all but suffocated. The water dashed through the lookout slats of the pilot-house with such force as to knock the pilot over the wheel. The water gained in the hold until there was imminent danger of sinking. Nevertheless it was an off-shore wind, and the tug Page 88 that went with her got her inshore, where the water was quiet, and at 4 o'clock on the afternoon of Saturday, March 8, she passed in at Cape Henry and headed north for Hampton Roads." As all on board were kept in a constant state of alarm from Friday morning, no sleep was possible for the gallant men upon whom rested the great responsibility of the impending action. As the Monitor drew nearer the roar of the Merrimac's guns pouring hot shot into the Congress could be distinctly heard 20 miles away, and the ship was stripped of her sea-rig and cleared for action. As she came up she spoke a pilot boat and learned the first word of the disastrous engagement of the day. The sight of the burning Congress soon confirmed the news. At 9 p. m. the Monitor came to anchor near the Roanoke and Worden went on board to report to Captain John Marston, the senior officer present in Hampton Roads, Flag-officer Goldsborough being then engaged in the expedition against Roanoke island.

It will now be necessary to digress for a time and rehearse the oft told story of what the Merrimac had been doing on that eventful 8th of March. The Federal vessels in the Roads on that day were the St. Lawrence, the Roanoke and the Minnesota, stationed near Fortress Monroe, and the two sailing vessels, the Congress and the Cumberland, anchored off Newport News. The Roanoke and Minnesota were screw-frigates of 40 guns and sister ships of the Merrimac; the Congress was a 50gun frigate of the type of 1812, though rebuilt in 1841; the St. Lawrence was similar to the Congress, and the Cumberland was a sloop-of-war of 24 guns, all excellent vessels of their class. Both the sailing vessels were fought by their first lieutenants in the action of the day, and no vessels were ever fought more gallantly. Lieutenant Joseph B. Smith was in command of the Congress, and Lieutenant George N. Morris of the Cumberland. The squadron lay quiet that morning little dreaming of the Page 89 danger that was so near, when "three small steamers" were reported to the senior officer at 12 45 p. m., coming around Sewell's point. The following account is abridged from the excellent narrative of Admiral Porter. It was soon ascertained by her large smokestack that one of these vessels was the Merrimac and great excitement prevailed. Signal was made to the Minnesota to slip her cables, get under way and pursue the enemy, but when within a mile and a half of Newport News the frigate grounded and remained fast during the events which took place that day and the one following. The Merrimac stood straight for the Congress and Cumberland, and when she was within three-quarters of a mile the latter vessel opened on her with heavy pivot guns, closely followed by the Congress. Paymaster McKean Buchanan, a brother of the Confederate commander, was an officer of the Congress, and the Merrimac passing that vessel steered direct for the Cumberland, the Confederate flag officer hoping that the Congress would surrender on seeing the fate of her consort and that his brother would thus escape. In passing the Congress the Merrimac delivered her starboard broadside, which was quickly returned, and a rapid fire from both vessels was maintained on the ironclad. The Merrimac continuing her course, struck the Cumberland at right angles, under the fore channels on the starboard side, and the blow, though hardly perceptible on board the ironclad, seemed to those on board the Cumberland as if the whole ship's side had been smashed in. Backing out, the Merrimac put her helm hard-a-starboard and turned slowly, while the two Union ships poured in a continual fire, which apparently fell harmless on the iron plating of the enemy. On the other hand, as the ironclad swung round from the Cumberland the Congress lay with her stern to the enemy, which raked her three times, fore and aft. In the meantime the Cumberland was settling in the water from the effects of the great opening in her side, and Page 90 although it was evident to all on board that the day was lost, that the ship must inevitably go to the bottom, these brave fellows kept up a rapid fire until driven by the water from the lower deck guns, when they retreated to the upper deck and continued to fight the pivot guns till the Cumberland went down with her colors still flying. During the whole war there was no finer incident than this, and the bravery of the officers and men of the Cumberland even won the applause of the enemy.

Of course as long as the Cumberland kept up her fire the Merrimac returned it, her shells inflicting death on all sides. Those who had escaped from below were decimated by the merciless shot and shell poured into them as they stood crowded together on the spar deck. There is little generosity or sentimentality in war. The object is to kill and wound, and this was too favorable an opportunity to be neglected. Of the Cumberland's crew 125 were either killed outright or drowned, while of those saved a large portion were wounded. When the commanding officer of the Congress saw the fate of the Cumberland he realized how little chance there was for him, slipped his cable, set his foretopsail and endeavored to get closer in shore so as to have the assistance of the land batteries, but the ship ran aground where she continued the unequal contest for more than an hour after the sinking of her consort, the Merrimac lying at a safe distance and boring her through and through with her shells, finally setting her on fire.

While this unequal contest was progressing between the Merrimac and the Congress, the two Confederate gunboats accompanying the ironclad joined in the fray. They were both armed with rifle guns and in a few moments they dismounted one of the stern guns of the Congress, knocked off the muzzle of another, so that, not being able to bring any of her broadside guns to bear, she lay perfectly helpless. Her gallant commanding officer, Lieutenant Joseph B. Smith, was killed, her decks Page 91 were strewn with killed and wounded, and further resistance was useless. The colors were accordingly hauled down and a white flag hoisted. A Confederate tug ran alongside and the officer in charge ordered the crew out of the ship, saying he intended to set fire to her. The garrison at Newport News, not comprehending the state of affairs, opened on the Confederate vessel with artillery and musketry, so that she was obliged to leave the side of the Congress with only 39 prisoners. Although the white flag was still flying, the Merrimac again opened fire on the Congress. This was certainly most inhuman, since the crew of the Congress was not responsible for the act of the troops on shore. The Confederates claim that 2 of their officers were killed on board the tug while assisting the Union wounded out of the Congress, and that many Union men were killed by the fire of the shore batteries. The Congress having been set on fire, Lieutenant Pendergrast and most of the crew undertook to escape to the shore in small boats, or by swimming, leaving the ship with the white flag still flying at her mainmast head. Flag-officer Buchanan claimed that he was unable to take possession of his prize owing to the fire from the shore, for which reason he ordered hot shot to be fired into the Congress until she was set on fire. Buchanan and his Flag-Lieutenant, Minor, personally directed the matter, and while doing so both were severely wounded. The command of the Merrimac then devolved on Lieutenant Jones.

Notwithstanding the heavy armor of the Merrimac her loss in killed and wounded was 21, showing the good use of their artillery by the Union ships. The armor, however, was but little damaged by the Federal shot, although the Confederates asserted that at one time they were under the fire of 100 heavy guns afloat and ashore. Everything on the outside of the Merrimac seems to have been badly injured. The muzzles of two of the guns were shot off, the anchors, smoke-stack and steam Page 92 pipes were shot away, railing, stanchions, boat davits, everything was swept clean. The flagstaff was repeatedly shot away and finally a boarding pike was substituted. During the engagement the Roanoke and St. Lawrence, in tow of tugs, made every effort to join in the combat, but like the Minnesota, they ran aground some 2 miles above Fortress Monroe.

The day had now nearly passed, the Congress was abandoned to the flames, and the Merrimac turned her attention to the Minnesota, which ship lay aground apparently at her mercy, but the pilots would not attempt the middle channel with the ebb tide, with darkness fast approaching. Consequently the Merrimac returned to Sewell's point and anchored. In passing the Minnesota the ironclad opened fire, but only a single shot struck the frigate. The fire of the gunboats accompanying the Merrimac did much greater damage with their rifled guns, though they were finally driven off by the heavy guns which the Minnesota carried forward. The 10-inch pivot gun of the Minnesota produced no effect on the ironclad, the shot glancing like pebbles from her sides, and it was plain that the Minnesota, as soon as the tide would allow the Confederate vessel to come to close quarters, would be as helpless as the Congress and Cumberland had been. The commanding officer of the Union frigate therefore made all preparations to abandon his ship and set her on fire, anticipating an attack early next morning.

The Merrimac had done an excellent day's work and returned to her anchorage well satisfied with what she had accomplished, firm in the belief that the morrow would witness the destruction of the rest of the fleet in Hampton Roads. There was wholesale rejoicing throughout the South, while dismay and consternation pervaded the Union fleet and the authorities at Washington. It was apparent that the enemy possessed an engine of destruction new in the annals of maritime warfare. Page 93 That her powers were overrated at the time is only natural, for it was feared she would emerge from the Chesapeake and harry the northern coasts, though it was subsequently learned that she could not have gone to sea with safety. Sec. Welles in later years wrote thus of the effect of the news of the day's work on a cabinet meeting at Washington: "'The Merrimac,' spoke Stanton, 'will change the whole character of the war; she will destroy seriatim, every naval vessel; she will lay all the cities on the seaboard under contribution. I shall immediately recall Burnside; Port Royal must be abandoned. I will notify the governors and municipal authorities in the North to take instant measures to protect their harbors.' He had no doubt, he said, that the monster was at this moment on her way to Washington; and, looking out of the window, which commanded a view of the Potomac for many miles, 'Not unlikely, we shall have a shell or cannon-ball from one of her guns in the White House before we leave this room.' Mr. Seward, usually buoyant and self-reliant, overwhelmed with the intelligence, listened in responsive sympathy to Stanton, and was greatly depressed, as, indeed, were all the members." But, though the enemy knew it not, the salvation of the Union fleet was at hand. "While the men on the Merrimac watched the fruition of their day's work, one of them, a pilot, saw a strange looking craft brought out in bold relief by the brilliant light of the burning ship, which he at once proclaimed to be the Ericsson." Disregarding explicit orders to have the Monitor proceed at once to Washington, presumably for the protection of the capital, Marston ordered the vessel to go to the assistance of the helpless Minnesota. The frigate was unable to get afloat at high water, and the Monitor remained near her all night. The crew of the Merrimac were astir at daylight on Sunday, March 9, preparing to complete her work of destruction. She got under way at about 7:30 a. m., still Page 94 (commanded by Lieutenant Catesby Jones, as Buchanan's wound had completely disabled him. "She steamed leisurely toward the Rip Raps, turned into the Minnesota's channel, and opened fire while still a mile away," says Soley, whose story of the historic engagement follows. "She succeeded in putting a shot under the Minnesota's counter, near the water line, but did no further injury. The Monitor's anchor was up, her men at quarters, her guns loaded, and everything ready for action. She immediately got under way, to engage as far as possible from the Minnesota, and greatly surprised the hosts of spectators by steering directly for the Confederate ironclad's starboard bow, effectually covering the Minnesota. When almost directly alongside his huge antagonist, Worden stopped his engine and gave the order to commence firing. The Merrimac returned the fire, but with little effect. The turret was a small target and the projectiles passed over the low deck. Shell, grape, canister and musket balls flew about in every direction, but did no injury. Acting-Master Stodder carelessly leaned for a moment against the turret, and a shot striking the outer wall, produced a concussion that disabled him. As the turret was struck the shot glanced off from its curved side, and thougk, from the imperfections of the machinery, it was regulated with difficulty, it continued to revolve as freely as ever. After passing the Merrimac, Worden turned, and crossing her stern, attempted to disable her screw, which he missed by a few feet. Returning, he passed up along her port side, firing deliberately. The vessels were so close that several times they nearly came in contact. Presently they separated, and the Merrimac attacked the Minnesota. In shifting her position, she grounded, but got off soon after." The huge bulk of the Merrimac was much more unwieldy than the Monitor, and the smaller craft was able to play about her great opponent almost at will. The heaviest shots from the rifled guns of the Merrimac made no Page 95 impression on the Monitor's turret, though it was struck time and again. Lieutenant Wood of the Merrimac relates that Lieutenant Jones, on going to one part of the gundeck, where he found the men standing idle, asked, "Why are you not firing?" The lieutenant in charge replied, "Why, our powder is very precious, and after two hours I find that I can do her about as much damage by snapping my thumb at her every two and a half minutes." In the occasional efforts of the Merrimac during the action to get at the vulnerable Minnesota, she managed to inflict considerable damage. A shell from her bow-gun entered the Minnesota's berth-deck, creating great havoc and setting the big ship on fire. On the other hand, the Minnesota's powerful broadsides were wholly without effect and were as "the pelting of hailstones" upon the ironside.

Observing the small effect of the Merrimac's fire upon her diminutive antagonist, Jones decided to ram the Monitor, as she had the Cumberland on the previous day. Says Soley further, "Worden saw the movement, and suddenly putting his helm hard-a-port, he gave his vessel a broad sheer, receiving the blow of the ram on his starboard quarter, where it glanced off without doing any injury. During the engagement, Worden had taken his place in the pilot-house, from the lookout-holes of which he was able to see the course of the action and to direct the working of the ship and of the guns. Greene had charge of the turret and handled the battery. These two men fought the ship. Acting-Master Stodder was at first stationed at the wheel that started the revolving-gear. When he was disabled Chief-Engineer Stimers volunteered to take his place, and did the best he could in the exhausting work of turning the refractory turret. The powder division on the berth-deck was in charge of Acting-Master Webber. The paymaster and captain's clerk, also stationed on the berth-deck, passed the orders from the pilot-house. The men had gone into the engagement Page 96 worn out, having had no rest and little to eat for 48 hours. But they were picked men and during the short time that Worden had been with them he had won, in an extraordinary degree, their confidence and regard. Accordingly they did their work with unflinching courage and resolution.

The situation in the turret was a difficult one. Shut up in a revolving cask, on a moving platform, and cut off from the captain except through slow and imperfect communication by passing the word, when minutes and even seconds were important, Greene fought under heavy disadvantages. The directions of the bow and stern, the starboard and port beams, were marked on the stationary flooring, but the marks were soon obliterated, and after one or two revolutions it was impossible to guess at the direction of the ship or the position of the enemy. The only openings through which anything could be seen were the gun-ports, which were closed except at the moment of firing, as an entering shot would have disabled the guns. Curiously enough, neither of the port-stoppers was struck, though the edges of the ports and the turret wall between them were jagged and dented by the Merrimac's shot. At last the difficulties became so great, the revolutions so confusing, and the mechanism governing the movements of the turret so little under control, that it was left stationary, and the ship was fought and the guns pointed by the helm. After fighting for 2 hours, the Monitor hauled off to hoist shot into the turret, but at 11 30 the engagement was renewed. The enemy now concentrated his fire on the pilot-house, which was the weakest part of the vessel. At a moment when Worden was looking through one of the openings a shell struck the wall at the opening and exploded. The explosion fractured one of the iron logs of the frame and lifted half way off the iron hatch that rested insecurely on the top. Worden's eyes were filled with powder and slivers of iron and he was blinded and stunned. Blind as he Page 97 was, he could see the stream of light from the roof, and unable to see the extent of the injury he had the presence of mind to give orders to put the helm to starboard and sheer off. With the captain disabled by the shock, it was some minutes before word was passed to the turret of the disaster in the pilot-house. When Greene came out and passed forward he found the captain at the foot of the ladder, stunned and helpless, his face black and streaming with blood. Leaving him to the surgeon, Greene mounted to the pilot-house, while Stimers replaced him in the turret, and the vessel, which during these moments of unavoidable delay had been without a captain, steaming no one knew whither, once more faced the enemy." As the somewhat erratic action of the Monitor during the time taken by this change of commanders, has led to much controversy as to which vessel first retired from the fight, it will be well to quote the language of some of the participants. Seeing the Monitor apparently headed for Fortress Monroe, Captain Van Brunt of the Minnesota "thought it probable she had exhausted her supply of ammunition, or sustained some injury," and made ready to destroy his ship. On their part, the Merrimac's officers believed that the Monitor had given up the contest. Jones states: "We for some time awaited the return of the Monitor to the Roads. After consultation it was decided that we should proceed to the navy-yard in order that the vessel should be brought down in the water and completed. The pilots said if we did not leave then that we could not pass the bar until noon of the next day. We therefore at 12 m. quit the Roads and stood for Norfolk. Had there been any sign of the Monitor's willingness to renew the contest we would have remained to fight her."

Says Lieutenant Greene of the Monitor: "Exactly how much time elapsed from the moment that Worden was wounded until I had reached the pilot-house, completed the examination Page 98 of the injury at that point, and determined what course to pursue in the damaged condition of the vessel, it is impossible to state, but it could hardly have exceeded twenty minutes at the utmost. During this time the Merrimac, which was leaking badly, had started in the direction of the Elizabeth river, and, on taking my station in the pilot-house and turning the vessel's head in the direction of the Merrimac, I saw that she was already in retreat. A few shots were fired at the retiring vessel, and she continued on to Norfolk. I returned with the Monitor to the side of the Minnesota, where preparations were being made to abandon the ship, which was still aground. Shortly afterward Worden was transferred to a tug, and that night he was carried to Washington." Greene also adds: "It has never been denied that the object of the Merrimac on the 9th of March was to complete the destruction of the Union fleet in Hampton Roads, and that in this she was completely foiled and driven off by the Monitor. Nor has it been denied that at the close of the engagement the Merrimac retreated to Norfolk, leaving the Monitor in possession of the field."

What appears to be one of the fairest statements covering the incident is made by Lieutenant Wood of the Merrimac, who says: "At length the Monitor withdrew over the middle ground where we could not follow, but always maintaining a position to protect the Minnesota. To have run our ship ashore on a falling tide would have been ruin. We awaited her return for an hour and at 2 p. m. steamed for Sewell's point and thence to the dock-yard at Norfolk. Our crew were thoroughly worn out from the two days' fight. Although there is no doubt that the Monitor first retired, the battle was a drawn one as far as the two vessels engaged were concerned, but in its general results the advantage was with the Monitor." Certain it is that neither crew was whipped, nor was either vessel badly damaged. The only serious casualty sustained was the injury received by Page 99 Worden. ' The Merrimac was leaking some where her bow had come in contact with the Monitor's overhang in the effort to ram, and her armor was broken in places, though the wooden backing was never penetrated. Says Lieutenant Wood before quoted, "Not a single shot struck us at the water-line, where the ship was utterly unprotected and where one would have been fatal. Or had the fire been concentrated on any one spot, the shield would have been pierced; or had larger charges been used, the result would have been the same." It is known that the Monitor was struck 21 times, 15 on the turret and side armor, 2 on the pilot-house and 4 on the deck. The vessel was intact, however, except for the injury to her pilot-house, and could have continued the fight for hours. Had the enemy "concentrated his fire on the pilot-house of the Monitor, which was her weakest point, the result might have been more decisive," says Soley. Of the ordnance used by the two vessels the same authority says: "The service charge for the Xl-inch guns was 15 pounds, and the bureau had enjoined upon Worden to limit himself to this, though it was found later that 30 pounds could be safely used. On the other hand, owing to the great demand among the Confederates for projectiles at other points, and to the supposition that she would only have wooden vessels to encounter, the Merrimac was not supplied with solid shot, which would have been far more effective against armor than shells."

Thus ended the first great battle between ironclads in the history of the world. In dramatic interest, and in the momentous issue involved, the contest has no equal in the annals of naval warfare. The tenacity, bravery and ability displayed by the participants won the admiration of all who witnessed the historic battle. The names of Worden and his "Monitor boys" will live forever in the hearts of their grateful countrymen. The destructive career of the terrible Merrimac was brought to a Page 100 sudden close, the blockade was unbroken, the fleet saved, and the waters of the Roads, of such vast strategic importance to the Union cause, remained under Federal control. The days of the wooden fighting ship were now numbered. The little Monitor was the forerunner of the turreted battleship, and the splendid ironclads which rapidly followed in the wake of the Monitor were a powerful aid in compelling the respect of England and France, both prone to meddle in the affairs of the distracted nation.

Neither the Monitor nor the Merrimac long survived the battle, and their after history can be soon told. The Merrimac went into dry-dock at Norfolk where she was thoroughly repaired. Commodore Josiah Tatnall relieved Buchanan in command, in consequence of the latter's wound. The vessel reappeared in the Roads April n, and took up a position out of range of the guns of Fortress Monroe. Commodore Goldsborough had returned from the Sounds and was again in command of the Union fleet. Tatnall undoubtedly hoped to renew the engagement with the Monitor, but Goldsborough had been instructed to take no unnecessary risk, hence the Monitor and the other vessels of the squadron remained quietly at anchor below the fort, and apparently paid little heed to the Merrimac, though all had steam up. The Union fleet had been reinforced by the Vanderbilt, fitted as a powerful ram, and she was ready to assist the Monitor in attacking the Merrimac. Goldsborough was satisfied to remain passive near the fort and take no chances by engaging the Merrimac unless forced to do so. Washington's principal desire was to prevent Tatnall from interfering with McClellan's operations on the Peninsula. On their side, the Confederates felt that Norfolk would be safe and the way to Richmond barred as long as the Merrimac remained intact, and were equally controlled by prudential reasons. There were many transports, store-ships and chartered vessels in and about Page 101 the Roads at this time, and all had been cautioned by Goldsborough that they would be in danger lying near Hampton. However, on the nth, two brigs and a schooner, in the service of the quartermaster's department, lay within the bar off Hampton. Tatnall was accompanied by six gunboats, and he sent in the Jamestown, Lieutenant Barney, to bring them out. This was successfully done despite the fire of the forts, and was certainly a "humiliating incident which should have been prevented for the honor of the flag." Nothing further happened until May 8, when the Merrimac again appeared. By order of the Washington authorities a demonstration was then in progress by a squadron, including the Monitor, against the battery at Sewell's point. Says Goldsborough in his report: "The Monitor was kept well in advance, so that the Merrimac could have engaged her without difficulty had she been so disposed, but she declined to do so, and soon returned and anchored under Sewell's point." There is small doubt that the commander of the Merrimac was too clever to risk his vessel against the combined Federal squadron, which included several heavy frigates and powerful rams. This was the last appearance of the Merrimac. United States troops were landed at Ocean View, and compelled the evacuation of the battery at Sewell's point and the town of Norfolk on the 10th. Tatnall wished to retreat up the James with the Merrimac, but was informed by his pilots that she drew too much water, and he therefore ran his vessel ashore on Craney island, where she was fired and blown up on the morning of the nth. Tatnall and his men made their escape by way of Suffolk.

The Monitor only survived the Merrimac a few months. She foundered on the night of January 2, 1863, during a gale off Cape Hatteras, while attempting to make the passage from Hampton Roads to Beaufort, North Carolina, in tow of the Rhode Island. She was not built for heavy seas, as had been amply demonstrated Page 102 in her first voyage to Hampton Roads. The strain on her forward overhang as she rose and fell in the huge seas during the gale loosened the plates under her bow and she began to leak badly. The water gained fast and it was soon found that all efforts to save the ship must prove unavailing. Thereupon preparations were made to abandon the vessel and the difficult task began of removing the crew of the sinking ironclad to the Rhode Island. All were finally safely brought on board except 16, who went down with the ill-fated vessel.

The construction of Ericsson's Monitor gave rise to the class of vessels ever since known as "monitors." The government promptly ordered the construction of 10 single-turret vessels of the Passaic class, seven of which were sent to Port Royal, as soon as they could be built and equipped, for the purpose of operating against Charleston. (See Naval Operations before Charleston.) These 10 vessels were each of 844 tons displacement, and were known as the Camanche, Catskill, Lehigh, Montauk, Nahant, Nantucket, Passaic, Patapsco, Sangamon (Jason) and Weehawken. While all were built substantially on the plan of the original Monitor, they were somewhat larger and some important modifications were introduced, suggested by experience in working this unusual type of vessel. The first of the improved monitors built was the Passaic and her description will serve for all. "Apparent length of vessel, 200 feet; beam, 45 feet. This was sustained by an iron hull with nearly a flat floor, 16 feet shorter at the bow, and 25 feet shorter at the stern than the deck measurement, and on a cross section at the turret, 37 feet 8 inches wide. The usual draught was something over 11 feet, and displacement 844 tons. The thickness of the mass of wood firmly bolted together that surrounded the hull proper was 5 feet and was plated externally with 5 one-inch iron plates. The turret had a thickness of eleven 1-inch plates, with a height of 9 feet, and an interior Page 103 diameter of 20 feet. It was designed to revolve at will by suitable machinery, had iron beams on top to support a light iron cover, and was surmounted by a small cylindrical tower (pilot-house) composed of eight i-inch plates, some 7 feet in height and 8 feet in diameter. Within this pilot-house was the wheel, and in battle, the commanding officer, the pilot and the helmsman. It was capped by a circular plate of iron 1 and 1/2  thick. Small circular holes were originally cut through for vision, and afterward, as a necessity, they were chiseled out to give an angle to the view. The plates of the turret and the pilothouse were held together by numerous bolts, with the heads on the outside and a nut within. The blow of a very heavy projectile would make the nuts fly with great force within the turret, and the rebound of the plates would then at times withdraw the bolts entirely, but more frequently they would stand out like the 'quills upon the fretful porcupine.' The hatchway over the windlass-room, another forward of the turret, and a third over the engine-room, were covered with iron plates, calked on going to sea, and put on when going into action, leaving no egress from below except through the turret. For ventilation, six holes 8 inches in diameter were cut through the deck forward and four aft, and ventilating pipes 4 feet high were fitted with gaskets to keep out the water, while beneath were bull's eyes that could be screwed up to exclude the water when the pipes were taken off. Forward of the hull proper, in the 'overhang,' was what was known as the 'anchor-well,' a cylinder into which a four-armed anchor could be hove up by means of a windlass in a small apartment called the 'windlass-room' in the bow, the chain passing in through a hawsehole less than 2 feet above the ordinary water level. The anchor-well had a removable plate over it, as also had what was known as a 'propeller-well,' some 15 feet from the stern. The turret was nearly, if not quite, on the center of the vessel, and Page 104 the smoke-stack, made of eight 1-inch plates to a height of 6 feet above the deck, then of the usual height with the ordinary thickness of iron, was 12 feet farther aft. The deck itself was of heavy wood and covered with two 2½ -inch plates of iron. When ready for sea and properly trimmed, the bow would usually be 2 and feet, and the stern a foot less above the water level, With a perfectly clean bottom, a speed somewhat in excess of 7 knots was attainable. Lying in the warm salt water of Southern ports soon caused the bottom to foul in the most extraordinary manner and reduced the attainable speed to less than 4 knots. The armament intended was two 15-inch guns, but owing to inability to obtain them in time, one of that caliber was given and one n-inch gun, fitted with a yoke. Instead of this gun the Patapsco and Lehigh had 150 pounder Parrott rifles." The above description is from Ammen's The Navy in the Civil War. He further adds in reference to the ability of the monitors to ride securely to their anchors within the bar off Charleston: "The force of a heavy sea was expended in a great measure on the bar, and the monitors continued within it off Charleston for some 20 months. Heavy moorings, with buoys attached, were put down for them, which ensured their safety so far as dragging was concerned."