The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.

Confederate Government, 1861, Part 2

The passage of the ordinance of secession by the State Convention of Virginia on the 18th of April, was received throughout the Confederate States with unbounded joy. In all the principal cities bells were rung, salutes of a hundred guns were fired, and other exciting demonstrations made. The war spirit now stirred up was unparalleled. Men and money were lavishly offered, and hundreds of battalions and regiments of volunteers began to form, some openly, and some secretly, to be prepared to meet the North. The refusal of the Governors of Virginia, North Carolina, Kentucky, Missouri, and Arkansas, to furnish the quota of troops required under the proclamation of President Lincoln, afforded much gratification to the authorities and people of the Confederate States. Virginia and North Carolina were regarded as sure to join the Confederate States with their whole military strength. The course of Kentucky was considered as somewhat doubtful, and an early effort was therefore made to secure her cooperation. For this purpose the Governor was addressed by the Secretary of War as follows:

                                              MONTGOMERY, April 22, 1861.

Hon. B. Magoffin:

Sir: Your patriotic response to the requisition of the President of the United States for troops to coerce the Confederate States justifies the belief that your people are prepared to unite with us in repelling the common enemy of the South. Virginia needs our aid. I therefore request you to furnish one regiment of infantry, without delay, to rendezvous at Harper's Ferry, Virginia. It must consist of ten companies of not less than sixty-four men each. * * * * Staff officers are appointed by the President. They will be mustered into the service of the Confederate States at Harper's Ferry, but transportation and subsistence will be provided from the points of departure. They will furnish their own uniforms. By communicating, arms and ammunition will be sent to Harper's Ferry, or to such points as yon may designate. Answer arid say whether you will comply with this request, and when.

                             L. P. WALKER,

              Sec. of War of the Confederate States.

The military force of the Confederate States now in the field was 35,000 men. Of this number there were at Charleston, Pensacola, Forts Morgan, Jackson, St. Philip, and Pulaski 19,000 men. The remainder were on the route to Virginia, to wit, 16,000. The Navy Department had become organized, and commenced by the purchase of the steamers Sumter and McRea, which were fitted out at New Orleans. At the same time contracts were made in that city with two different establishments for the casting of ordnance—cannon, shot, and shell —with the view to encourage the manufacture of these articles.

The loan of five millions of dollars authorized by Congress had now not only all been taken, but an excess of three millions had also been subscribed. The entire subscription -was, however, accepted, amounting to eight millions of dollars.

The question now presented before the Confederate Government for their decision, related to the course to be pursued in the war. Should Page 139 it be an offensive war or conducted only for defence, and to prevent an invasion of the Southern States? "What should be the plan? The more radical and extreme portion of the Southern people clamored for an attack upon Washington at once. The Secretary of War had said on the eve of the attack on Fort Sumter that "the flag which now flaunts the breeze here would float over the dome of the old Capitol at Washington before the 1st of May." Others said: 'the desire for taking Washington increases every hour, and ail things seem tending to this consummation." "Nothing is more probable than that President Davis will soon march an army through North Carolina and Virginia to Washington." "From mountain tops and valleys to the shores of the sea there is one wild shout of fierce resolve to capture Washington City at all and every human hazard."

President Davis, in his message on the 29th of April, although giving no decisive information upon the purposes of the Government, manifested a disposition to pursue a defensive policy. lie said: "We protest solemnly, in the face of mankind, that we desire peace at any sacrifice, save that of honor." "In independence we seek no conquest, no aggrandizement, no cession of any kind from the States with which we have lately confederated. All we ask is to be let alone—that those who never held power over us should not now attempt our subjugation by arms. This we will, we must resist, to the direst extremity." "The moment that this pretension is abandoned, the sword will drop from our grasp, and we shall be ready to enter into treaties of amity and commerce, that cannot but be mutually beneficial."

On the night of the 30th of April, on his return from Richmond, where the terms were arranged under which Virginia joined the Confederate States, the Vice-President, Mr. Stephens, addressed an audience at Atlanta, Georgia, as follows:

"What is to take place before the end, I know not. A threatening war is upon us, made by those who have no regard for right. We fight for our homes, our fathers and mothers, our wives, brothers, sisters, sons, and daughters, and neighbors; they for money. The hirelings and mercenaries of the North are all hand to hand against you.

“As I told you when I addressed yon a few days ago, Lincoln may bring his seventy-five thousand soldiers against us; but seven times seventy-five thousand men can never conquer us. We have now Maryland and Virginia, and all the Border States with us. We have ten millions of people with us, heart and hand, to defend us to the death. We can call out a million of people, if need be; and when they are cut down, we can call out another, and still another, until the last man of the South finds a bloody grave, rather than submit to their foul dictation. But a triumphant victory, and independence with an unparalleled career of glory, prosperity, and progress await us in the future. God is on our side, and who shall be against us? None but His omnipotent hand can defeat us in this struggle.

"A general opinion prevails that Washington City is soon to be attacked. On this subject I can only say, our object is peace. We wish no aggressions on any one's rights, and will make none. But if Maryland secedes, the District of Columbia will fall to her by reversionary right —the same as Sumter to South Carolina, Pulaski to Georgia, and Pickens to Florida, When we have the right, we will demand the surrender of Washington, just as we did in the other cases, and will enforce our demands at every hazard and at whatever cost. And here let me say that our policy and conduct from the first have been right, and shall be to the last. I glory in this consciousness of our rectitude.

"It may be that 'whom the gods would destroy, they first make mad.' But for Lincoln’s wicked and foolish war proclamation, the Border States—some of them at least, would still have lingered in the hope that the Administration and its designs were not so basely treacherous as that document has shown them to be. Tennessee and other States would have lingered for some time. Now, all the slave States are casting in their lot with us, and linking their destinies with ours. We might afford to thank Lincoln a little for showing his hand. It may be that soon the Confederate flag with fifteen stars will be hoisted upon the domo of the ancient Capitol. If so, God's will be done, is my prayer. Let us do nothing that is wrong. Let us commit our cause into His hand—perform our whole duty, and trust in Him for the crowning results.

"I have many things I would like to say to you, but my strength will not admit, even if it were necessary for your encouragement—but it is not. I find that yon are fully up to the music, that you thoroughly comprehend our condition, and are resolved to do your whole duty. I find our people everywhere are alive to their interests and their duty in this crisis. Such a degree of popular enthusiasm was never before seen in this country."

The plan of the war was evidently decided by circumstances beyond the control of the Government. Commencing as an organized Confederacy on the 22d of February, on the 12th of April Fort Sumter was attacked, and the Confederacy launched into a gigantic war. An agricultural people entering upon a war of invasion within three months after their organization as a nation, and against a commercial and manufacturing people, superior in numbers and general intelligence, is an event ns yet unknown in history. Peace was the only source of life to the Confederate States—at least a peace of such length of time as would allow of concentration and national organization. The movement to send supplies to Fort Sumter was followed by the attack on that fort, and Page 140 subsequently by the union of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas to the Confederacy. Thus stood the South at war against the North. Should the South make the war one of invasion? She had nothing to clothe, equip, or move an army with, unless it had been bought abroad, and imported within her territory. How could the Confederacy undertake a war of invasion, destitute of all facilities for a strong and sustained effort? These facts decided the character of the war on the part of the Confederacy. On the other hand the United States, composed of a commercial and manufacturing people, with every facility to raise and equip an army, and possessing the army and navy of the nation when undivided, was unable to commence a movement of invasion with success until months had passed away. How much less could such a movement be made by mere agricultural States? The character of the war on the part of the Confederacy was thus decided by circumstances. The true position of affairs was early seen by President Davis. "All we ask is to be let alone," are the words in his message to Congress. The attack upon Washington urged by many juvenile minds in the Confederacy was impracticable from the outset. It served, however, to gratify a kind of contemptuous spirit which prompted its utterance, and to rouse the United States to the utmost activity and energy for its defence. The war therefore necessarily became a defensive one on the part of the Confederacy.

The leaders of secession in the Southern States who foresaw where their proceeding would end, had flattered themselves that when the war came they should derive advantage from numerous auxiliaries. They believed the demand for cotton in England and Franco would put a speedy end to any blockade the United States might attempt. They believed the great democratic party of the North would stand aloof from the Government in its attempt to repossess the forts and arsenals. They believed that the prowess of the North had degenerated, and that it would prove an inefficient foe. They saw, when it was too late, that England and France were bound by every principle of honor to respect an efficient blockade, which the navy and the commercial marine of the United States could establish. They now found the North united as one man in support of the Union, and were soon to bring to a test the energy of her prowess.

A proclamation was immediately issued by President Davis after the capture of Fort Sumter, calling a meeting of the Confederate Congress at Montgomery on the 29th of April. On that day this body assembled, and the President's message was delivered. (See PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.) It recommended such measures as were necessary to conduct a vigorous defensive war. The course to be pursued by the Confederate Government was soon fixed. The acquisition of Virginia made her a portion of the Confederacy, and in assuming the obligations she became entitled to the protection of the Government. The instructions of the Secretary of the Treasury to the collectors of revenue on the 12th of May were in these words:

"Virginia is now one of the Confederate States. Of course no duties are to be collected on imports from thence. Suspend collections of duties from North Carolina and Tennessee." On the 21st of May Congress adjourned to meet in Richmond, Virginia, on the 20th of July. The reasons for this change of capital are given by the President of Congress, Howell Cobb, in a speech at Atlanta, Georgia, on the 22d of May. He also states the future intentions of the Government relative to the war:

"I presume that a curiosity to know what we have been doing in the Congress recently assembled at Montgomery, has induced you to to make this call upon me.

"We have made all the necessary arrangements to meet the present crisis. Last night we adjourned to meet in Richmond on the 20th of July. I will tell you why we did this. The 'Old Dominion,' as you know, has at last shaken off the bonds of Lincoln, and joined her noble Southern sisters. Her soil is to be the battle-ground, and her streams are to be dyed with Southern blood. We felt that her cause was our cause, and that if she fell we wanted to die by her. We have sent our soldiers on to the posts of danger, and we wanted to be there to aid and counsel our brave 'boys.' In the progress of the war further legislation may be necessary, and we will be there, that when the hour of danger comes, we may lay aside the robes of legislation, buckle on the armor of the soldier, and do battle beside the brave ones who have volunteered for the defence of our beloved South.

"The people are coming up gallantly to the work. When the call was made for twelvemonths volunteers, thousands were  offered; but when it was changed to the full term of the war, the numbers increased! The anxiety among our citizens is not as to who shall go to the wars, but who shall stay at home? No man in the whole Confederate States—the gray-haired sire down to the beardless youth—in whose veins was one drop of Southern blood, feared to plant his foot upon Virginia's soil, and die fighting for our rights.

"But we not only need soldiers, we must have treasure to carry on the war. Private contributions have been offered to a vast amount. I will mention an instance which occurred on the Mississippi a few days ago. An aged man— whose gray hairs and tottering limbs forbade his entering the ranks, and whose children of the first and second generations were in the ranks of his country's defenders—was asked how much he would give to carry on the war. The spirit of the old man rose up in him— 'Tell them,' he said, 'that my yearly crop of 1,000 bales of cotton they may have. Only give me enough to sustain me, and let the balance Page 141 go to my country!' Offers of this sort come pouring in upon the Government from all parts of the country.

"But the Government does not require contributions from individuals; she has the means within herself of sustaining this war. No donations are necessary, except for the equipment of your own volunteers, and those you can and will provide for. But I tell you what you may do. Those of you who raise large crops of cotton, when your cotton is ready for market, give it to your Government at its market value, receive in return its bond's, and let it sell your produce to Europe for the specie to sustain our brave 'boys' in Virginia. This was agreed on at Montgomery, and we promised to throw out the suggestion, that the people might think about it. I raise some cotton, and every thing above my necessary expenses my Government shall have. When this was proposed in Congress, a gentleman from Mississippi rose up and said that he did not raise cotton; it was his misfortune not to be able to help his country in that manner. 'But,' said he, 'I will go home and canvass my section, and every man that I meet, who raises cotton, sugar, and rice, I will persuade him to sell it to his Government.'"

On the next evening the Vice-President, Mr. Stephens, being at Atlanta, also made an address, in which the plan of the Government is more fully unfolded:

"The time for speech-making has passed. The people have heard all that can be said. The time for prompt, vigorous, and decisive action is upon us, and we must do our duty. Upon the surface affairs appear to be quiet, and I can give you no satisfaction as to their real condition. It is true that threats of an attack on Pensacola have been made, but it is uncertain whether any attack will be made. As you know, an attack was made at Sewall's Point, near Norfolk, but the vessel making it was repulsed and disabled. But the general opinion and indications are that the first demonstration will be at Harper's Ferry, and that there, where John Brown inaugurated his work of slaughter, will be fought a fierce and bloody battle. As for myself, I believe that there the war will begin, and that the first boom of cannon that breaks upon our ears will come from that point. But let it begin where it will, and be as bloody and prolonged as it may, we are prepared for the issue!

“Some think there will be no war; as to that I know not. But whatever others wanted, the object of the Confederate Government is peace. Come peace or war, however, it is determined to maintain our position at every hazard and at every cost, and to drive back the myrmidons of Abolitionism. “We prefer and desire peace if we can have it; but if we cannot, we must meet the issue forced upon us. We must meet Lincoln and his myrmidons on their own ground, and on their own terms—on constitutional principles.

"So far our progress has been all that we could expect. A Government has been organized, executive departments and offices supplied, all needful laws passed, and all necessary arrangements made to meet any contingency. At the head of our Government is President Davis, who led the Mississippi Rifles at Buena Vista, and whose flag never yet trailed in the dust. This noble and true son of the South goes to Richmond to take command in person of our soldiers there, and to lead them upon the battle-field against all the military power and the talent they can summon—even to their veteran chieftain, General Scott himself. Whether brought to a bloody conflict or not, we are prepared. Our people everywhere are full of enthusiasm, and strong in their determination never to submit to the rule of Lincoln."

The views of President Davis, expressed in his message to Congress on the 29th of April, were repeated in a letter to commissioners from Maryland. The Legislature of that State' had appointed commissioners to visit Montgomery, and suggest to the Confederate Government the cessation of the hostilities now impending, until the meeting of Congress at Washington in July, in order that the Congress might, if possible, arrange for an adjustment of the existing troubles by means of negotiations rather than the sword. Similar commissioners were sent to Washington. The reply was dated May 25th, at Montgomery:

"The Government of the Confederate States is at a loss how to reply without a repetition of the language it has used on every possible occasion that has presented itself since the establishment of its independence.

"In deference to the State of Maryland, however, it again asserts, in the most emphatic terms, that its sincere and earnest desire is for peace, and that while the Government would readily entertain any proposition from the Government of the United States, tending to a peaceful solution of the present difficulties, the recent attempts of this Government to enter into negotiations with that of the United States were attended with results which forbid any renewal of proposals from it to that Government.

"If any further assurance of the desire of this Government for peace were necessary, it would be sufficient to observe, that being formed of a confederation of sovereign States, each acting and deciding for itself, the right of every other sovereign State to assume self-action and self-government is necessarily acknowledged.

"Hence conquests of other States are wholly inconsistent with the fundamental principles and subversive of the very organization of this Government. Its policy cannot but be peace— peace with all nations and people."

The Confederate Congress, in compliance with the call of the President, assembled at Montgomery on the 29th of April. During its adjournment the Constitution, framed for the establishment of a permanent Government of the Confederate States, had been ratified by the Page 142 regular Conventions of each of the States, to which it had been referred. This was the first confirmation which the Government had received. It camo only from the State Conventions, and its extent was to approve of the existence of the Provisional Constitution and Provisional Government, which were to remain in force for one year, then to be supplanted by a regular Constitution and officers duly elected under it.

At this session measures were taken to place the finances of the Confederacy upon such a basis as would enable it to meet the great struggle at hand. Treasury notes were adopted as a means of circulation. The first issue authorized was made payable at the expiration of twelve months. But at this session the time of payment was extended until six months after the close of the war. This currency drove all other out of circulation, and became the only medium of exchange in some of the Confederate States. The discount on these notes for specie was variable during the year, but often at thirty per cent., and even more. To give the stamp of value, and attract confidence to the financial movements of the Government, it was necessary to secure to it a substantial income. The revenue from imports under a stringent blockade could not be calculated upon, and probably would not equal the expenses of collection. Direct taxes, if laid, could not be collected in any amount sufficient to strengthen the credit of the Government. The deposits in all the banks of the Confederate States on the 20th of March amounted to $75,000,000. A people devoted to agriculture without the accumulations of commerce have no resources but the products of the land. Rich as the Southern States may be when their crops of cotton, rice, and tobacco are gathered and ready for market, yet without a market these crops are of no value. A strict blockade annihilated their market, and destroyed any immediate value these crops otherwise would have. Nothing but credit remained, and to improve it a plan was devised by Congress which proposed to make cotton a basis of security. The plan was that the planters should subscribe for the use of the Government a certain sum of money out of the proceeds of a certain number of bales of cotton when sold. The planter was to retain the cotton in his custody, and have the exclusive right of declaring when he would sell it and at what price it should be sold. By this plan the Government would get nothing at once, and there was room for many contingencies whether it would ever get any thing. The planter might become bankrupt and his cotton be seized by creditors, or it might be surreptitiously disposed of. The Government received nothing but an order on the commission agent who might conduct the sale, to pay the Government the amount subscribed from the proceeds of sale, whenever he should receive the cotton and effect its sale. In consequence of the events of the last year there was not only no sale for the cotton, but it was kept from the seaboard cities to prevent its falling into the hands of their enemies. On the 20th of July the subscriptions to the cotton loan merely, exceeded fifty millions of dollars. Other articles were afterwards included, and President Davis speaks of the plan in these words: "Scarcely an article required for the consumption of our army is provided otherwise than by subscription to the produce loan so happily devised by the wisdom of Congress." This plan, although it failed to produce money for the Government, served to supply it liberally with such articles as were necessary for the consumption of the army. In each district or county proper individuals were appointed to solicit subscriptions. The instructions given to them by the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Memminger, were as follows:

"Sir: The Congress of the Confederate States, at its last session, passed an act authorizing the issue of bonds for the proceeds of the sale of raw produce and manufactured articles.

"It has been deemed advisable, in carrying out this law, to circulate in advance lists for subscription, in which every planter can indicate the portion of his crop which he is disposed to lend for the support of the Government. It is proposed that no disturbance shall be made of the usual arrangements of each planter for selling his crop, but that he shall simply indicate the portion he is willing to subscribe, the time and place of delivery, and the factor in whose hands it is placed for sale; and shall order the factor to exchange the proceeds of sale of the subscribed portion for Confederate bonds, bearing eight per cent, interest. Several of these lists are herewith sent yon, and you are requested to act as commissioner in bringing the same to the attention of the people of your district or county. You will use your discretion as to the best mode of bringing the matter forward; but it is suggested that it would be desirable to use any public occasion, and to induce as many gentlemen as you can to make individual applications to their fellow-citizens. As soon as you shall have procured as many signatures as you can to any one list, yon will please forward it to this Department, to provide against loss of any list, it is desirable that they should be signed in duplicate, and forwarded by different mails."

It remains to be seen what the fruits of this measure will be, so far as relates to placing in the hands of the Government actual resources, with which to pay its debts or to provide such munitions of war as can be obtained only with funds of value in foreign markets. The large amount of cotton and tobacco subscribed, are of no value unless they can reach a market outside of the Confederate States. The Confederate Congress subsequently recommended that all these articles should be burned as the Federal armies approach. The object of this recommendation was to prevent the seizure and sale of these articles by the Federal Government Page 143 Further, as a State is recovered or brought under the control of the Federal arms, like Florida and Tennessee, there will be no opportunity to convert the subscriptions to the advantage of the Confederate Government, however favorably disposed the subscribers might continue. The ultimate loss of the amount subscribed must be complete, if the Federal arms are successful.

The views of the Government itself, on the character of this loan, were very fully explained by Vice-President Stephens, in an address to the cotton-planters at Augusta, Georgia, on the 11th of July:

"I am here to-day to discuss before you the fifty million loan, but I am frank to tell you it may be one hundred millions, and I think it probably will bo. The proposition that the Government makes is not to tax the people. The object of a wise and good Government is to make the burdens fall as light upon the people as possible to meet every exigency. The proposition the Government makes, therefore, is to take a loan in produce. In the grain-growing sections, the members of Congress solicit the loan in grain, army subsistence, meat, corn, wheat, and flour. We are not a grain-growing country. Our supply is cotton. I address you, therefore, solely on the subject of cotton.

"The object is to get along with as little tax as possible; but, my countrymen, do not suppose the Government will not tax you if necessary; for I tell you the Government does not intend to be subjugated; and if we do not raise the money by loans, if the people do not contribute, 1 tell you we intend to have the money, and taxation will be resorted to, if nothing else will raise it. Every life and dollar in the country will be demanded, rather than you and every one of us shall be overrun by the enemy. On that you may count. The Government, while it desires to carry on the war, establish your independence, and maintain the Government, at the same time wishes to do it in such a way as not to cripple industry; and while our men are in the field fighting the battles of their country, their brethren at home are discharging an equal duty, so that no serious detriment to public property will be sustained; and we have the element to do this that no other people in the world have.

"Now, then, if four millions of bales of cotton are made, upon an average price they will bring two hundred millions of dollars. If the cotton-planter will but lend, not give—lend to the Government the proceeds of but one-half, that will be one hundred millions of dollars, double what the Government wants, or did want when we adjourned—quite enough to keep two hundred thousand men in the field— the balance you can use as you please.

"I now will read to you, just at this part of my address, the proposition upon which I shall make some comments, for I wish every gentleman to understand it. It is not asking a donation; the Government simply wishes to control the proceeds of your cotton. The Government proposes to give you a bond bearing eight per cent, interest, paying the interest semi-annually. It is not a gift or donation, but simply your surplus cotton, as much as you can spare. This is the proposition:

"' We, the subscribers, agree to contribute to the defence of the Confederate States that portion of our crop set down to our respective names; the same to be placed in warehouse or in the hand of our factors, and sold on or before the next.'

"Fix the day of sale as soon as you please; the 1st of January, the 1st of February, or the 1st of March, if you please; though I am aware the Government wishes you to sell it as soon as convenient; but let each planter consult his interest, and in the mean while consult the market. But to proceed:

"' And our net proceeds of sale we direct to he paid over to the Treasurer of the Confederate States, for bonds for the same amount, bearing eight per cent, interest.' "There is the whole of it. The cotton-planter directs his cotton to be sent into the hands of his factor or his commission merchant. He only tells the Government in the subscription the portion he can lend. He directs it to be sold, and the proceeds to be invested in Confederate bonds. I understand that a committee will be appointed before this meeting adjourns, to canvass this county. Every planter, therefore, of Richmond County, will be waited upon and afforded an opportunity to subscribe. I wish, therefore, to say to that committee, and everybody, subscribe. I prefer your putting down first, your name; second, the number of bales; and I prefer you putting down the proportion of your crop. I want, especially, the number of bales, but would like also to know the proportion it bears to your crop. Let everybody, therefore, put down a portion of their crop, if it be two bales, or fifty bales, or one hundred bales, or five hundred bales.

"Inquiries have been made of me, and I take this opportunity to answer them:  Whether these bonds will circulate as money—will they pay debts?' On this point I wish no mistake. They are not intended as currency; they are unfitted to answer the purpose of circulation. The bonds are larger than this paper, (a letter sheet.) The obligation is on the upper part of it, and the whole of the lower part is divided into forty squares or checks. In each one of these checks the interest is counted for each six months, or for twenty years. The checks are called coupons, and all the party holding them has to do is every six months to clip off the lower coupon, send it to the Treasury, and get his interest. The bond is not suitable to carry in your pocket-book and use. It would wear out. It is intended to represent a fixed capital or permanent investment—just so much as you can spare from your cotton crop. That is all. Instead of putting your surplus in lands, Page 144 negroes, houses, furniture, useless extravagance, or luxuries, just put it in Confederate bonds.

"But while I said it was not intended to circulate or to pay debt?, I have not the least doubt that anybody who will sell his crop entire for bonds, will find no difficulty in getting the money for them, for they draw interest, and are better than money; and any man holding a note, will give it up and take a bond, for a note draws but seven per cent., and this draws eight. I have no doubt that all minors' and trust property will soon be invested in it. The entire amount of private funds in the State of Georgia, on private loans, I suppose is ten or twenty millions of dollars, at seven per cent, All that amount will immediately find its way into these bonds; and hence a planter who sells his entire crop, and needs money, can get it from the money-lenders on these bonds.

"I have been frequently asked if these bonds were good. Well, I want to be equally frank upon that point. If we succeed, if we establish our independence, if we are not overridden, if we are not subjugated, I feel no hesitancy in telling you it is the best Government stock in the world that I know of. It is eight per cent, interest; and if we succeed in a short time, in a few years, if not more than one hundred millions or two hundred millions are issued, I have but little doubt they will command a considerable premium. The old United States stock (six per cent, bonds) five years ago commanded fifteen and sixteen per cent., and went as high as twenty per cent. Take the Central Railroad. The stock of that company commands fifteen per cent, premium now. These bonds pay eight per cent, semi-annually; therefore, if there is a short war, these bonds very soon will command fifteen or twenty per cent. But candor also compels me to state that if Lincoln overruns us—if we are subjugated, these bonds will not be worth a single dime, and nothing else you have will be worth any thing. If we are overrun, they will be worth just as much as any thing else you have, and nothing else you have got will be worth any thing. So that is the whole of it."

To push forward the measure, a convention of cotton-planters was held at Atlanta, at which resolutions were passed expressing their willingness to aid the Government with the entire cotton crop, if the same should be needed for its use, and recommending to the planters to invest at least one-half of the proceeds of their entire crops in the eight per cent, bonds of the Confederate States, and to capitalists and others having money to lend, that they invest in like manner in these bonds. They also recommended to Congress to authorize the issue of Treasury notes of denominations suited for circulation as currency, for au amount equal to the exigencies of the Government, such notes to be paid out as money in payment of all Government dues, and made receivable for all taxes and duties, and convertible into eight per cent, bonds of the Confederate States at the pleasure of the holder. Congress, at its session at Richmond, in July, authorized the issue of one hundred millions of Treasury notes, and laid a direct tax, estimated to produce about fifteen millions of dollars. The Government thus had at its control for financial purposes, a loan of fifteen millions, authorized in February, duties on imports, which yielded nothing worthy of consideration, the authorized issue of Treasury notes to the amount of one hundred millions, the direct tax of fifteen millions assumed by the States, and the loans on produce, of which cotton was calculated to be the chief. The cotton would not yield any thing until sold. These were the authorized resources previous to November, 1801, to carry on a war, requiring the equipment, and transportation, and maintenance of an army of three hundred thousand men. There was one source of help to the Confederate Government which has not been mentioned. The States undertook to raise, and equip, and pay, to a certain extent, the troops of each. For this purpose the Legislatures authorized loans, amounting from five hundred thousand to two millions of dollars. With several of them the prospect of borrowing on this authorized loan was hopeless. Arkansas authorized her loan to be made available by issuing notes of five dollars and upwards in amount. These were paid to her soldiers and others, and depreciated until, as one of the former observed, "a hatful was required to obtain a dollar in specie." Tennessee authorized an almost unlimited expansion by her bank, until its paper depreciated like Arkansas State notes. In Virginia, military officers of State troops took from the people whatever their forces required, and gave a certificate of indebtedness upon the State of Virginia. These measures strengthened the Confederate Government for a period, by reducing the demands upon it, but they rendered more certain its ultimate bankruptcy. They enfeebled the resources of the people, upon which all Governments must rely. Upon the people the operation was most disastrous. Specie disappeared. Paper money was issued by a multitude of corporations and cities. It depreciated thirty per cent, compared with specie. Nearly double in amount was now required to purchase food, clothing, and other necessary articles. Apart from the influence of the blockade in reducing the supply of such as were of foreign manufacture, charges of extortion were raised against dealers, and public meetings were held to denounce them, which were composed of citizens who were ignorant that the source of all the evil consisted in the worthless currency. The Governor of Tennessee sent a message to the Legislature, relative to the extortions introduced " by those who had at heart their own interests more than the good of their fellow-mortals and of the country." The subject was acted upon by the Legislature. The Governor of Alabama, in a message to the Legislature, denounced the speculation that had commenced in articles Page 145 first necessity. The Governors of Georgia, Louisiana, and Mississippi, requested the attention of their respective Legislatures to this subject of complaint. It was urged at Richmond that the Confederate Government should make it treason, and punishable by death, for any one to ask or receive a percentage for exchanging one sort of money for another, whether it was specie for paper, or one sort of paper for another; that every State in the Confederacy should receive at par any paper money lawfully issued by any corporation or individual within its jurisdiction; that the "public funds and securities" should be used to redeem any paper money in the Confederacy; and that every bank in the Confederacy should be forced to redeem the bills of every other bank. Those must be fearful evils from which an escape is sought by such means. The following is a copy of one of the Treasury Notes of the Government: […].

To obtain some relief from their embarrassments, the planters applied to the Government. The office of the produce loan was burdened with their letters suggesting and requesting modes of relief under the conditions of their subscriptions to the Government. Nearly all of these letters gave the same account of the necessities of the planting interest, and held out the certain prospect of large additions to the subscriptions to the loan in case the Government should make small advances suitable to the actual necessities of the planters. In reply, the Secretary of the Treasury addressed a circular to the commissioners of subscription under date of October 17th, which presents a more distinct view of the condition of the Confederate Treasury. It shows that the Government wanted credit exceedingly; that its promissory notes supplanted all others; that it was carrying on a war for existence on credit, and the sole wonder was that it should be so successful as it had, up to that time, been. Nor was the condition of the planters much better. As they were to lend to the Government something hereafter, they asked the Government to lend them something now to carry them over the trying interval previous to the sale of their cotton. The circular was as follows: To the Commissioner Appointed to Receive Subscriptions to the Produce Loan:

GENTLEMEN: Inquiries have been made from various quarters:

1. Whether, during the continuance of the blockade, any efforts should be made to procure further subscriptions.

2. Whether the Government will authorize promises to be held out of aid to the planters as an inducement to such further subscriptions.

The first inquiry seems to imply a misunderstanding of the scheme of the subscriptions. Many persons have supposed that the Government was to bare some control of the produce itself; others that the time of sale appointed by the subscription was to be absolute and unconditional. The caption at the head of the lists, when examined, will correct both these errors.

The subscription is confined to the proceeds of sales, and contains an order on the commission merchant or factor of the planter to pay over to the Treasurer the amount subscribed in exchange for Confederate bonds. The transaction is simply an agreement by the planter to lend the Government so much money, and in order to complete the transaction, a time and place arc appointed when the parties may meet to carry it out. The important point is that it shall certainly be completed at some time, and that is secured by the engagement of the planter. Whether that time be December or June is simply a question of convenience, and works no injury to either party. The Government is sure of the eventual payment, and derives from that certainty so much credit; and it loses nothing, because it gives its bond only when the money is paid. 

It is obvious, therefore, that the subscriptions are as valuable to the Government during the blockade as after it. The blockade simply suspends the completion of the engagement. It becomes the interest of both parties to wait for a good price, and the Government will readily consent to a postponement of the sale.

You perceive, therefore, that it is desirable to continue your exertions to increase the subscriptions, and you are authorized to say that the Government will consent to a reasonable extension of the time appointed for sale.

3. The next inquiry is as to a promise of material aid from the Government to the planters.

In answering this inquiry I am to speak in advance of any act of Congress. What that body may see fit to do is not for me to determine. I can merely express the views of the Department; these must govern your actions until reversed by a higher authority. It would be a sufficient answer to the inquiry to say that the action of the Government is settled by the Constitution. No power is granted to any Department to lend money for the relief of any interest. Even the power of Congress, in relation to money, is confined to borrowing, and no clause can be found which would sanction so stupendous a scheme as purchasing the entire crop with a view to aid its owners.

But it may be said that the Constitution of the Provisional Government may be altered by Congress, and it is the duty of this Department to prepare the way for such alteration, if in its judgment the financial necessities of the country demand the change. I am not disposed, then, to close the inquiry with the abrupt denial thus made by the Constitution, and will proceed to consider the subject upon its intrinsic merits.

Two plans of relief have been proposed:

The one is that the Government should purchase the entire crop of the country; the other that an advance should be made of part of its value. In either case the payment is to be made by the issuance of Treasury notes; and, therefore, if we put aside for the present the many and serious objections to the possession, transportation, and management of the crop by the Government, it becomes simply a question of amount. To purchase the whole crop would require its whole Page 146 value, loss the amount of subscription—cotton at$200,000,000 and the subscription at $50,000,000. The purchase would then require $150,000,000 of Treasury notes, and if to this sum be added the amount of value for other agricultural products, which would certainly claim the same benefit, the sum required would probably reach $175,000,000.

The amount called for by the other plan of making an advance would depend upon the proportion of that advance. Few of the advocates of this plan have put it lower than five cents per pound on cotton, and at the same rate on other produce. It may, therefore, be very fairly set down at about $100,000,000.

If we consider, first, the least objectionable of these plans, it is certainly that which requires the smaller sum; and if this be found impracticable, the larger must of necessity be rejected.

Our inquiry, then, may be narrowed down to a proposal that the Government should issue one hundred millions of Treasury notes, to be distributed among the planting community upon the pledge of the forthcoming crop.

The first remarkable feature in this scheme is, that it proposes that a new Government, yet straggling for existence, should reject all the lessons of experience, and undertake that which no Government, however long established, has yet succeeded in effecting. The "organization of labor" has called forth many ingenious attempts, both speculative and practical, among well-established Governments, but always with disastrous failure. With us, however, the experiment is proposed to a new Government, which is engaged in a gigantic war, and which must rely on credit to furnish means to carry on that war. Our enemies are in possession of all the munitions and work-shops that have been collected during forty-five years of peace; their fleets have been built at our joint expense. With all these on hand, then yet are obliged to expend nearly ten millions of dollars per week to carry on the war. Can we expect to contend with them at less than half that expenditure?

Suppose that it may require two hundred millions of dollars, then the proposal is, that at a time when we are called upon to raise this large sum for the support of the Government, we shall raise a further sum of one hundred millions for the benefit of the planting interests. For it must be observed, first, that the Government receives no benefit whatever from this advance. The money is paid to each individual planter; and, in exchange, the Government receives only his bond or note; or, if the cotton be purchased, the Government receives only certain bales of cotton. That is to Bay, the Government pays out money which is needful to its very existence, and receives in exchange planter's notes or produce, which it does not need, and cannot in any way make use of.

It must be observed, in the next place, that Treasury notes have now become the currency of the country. They are, therefore, the measures of value. In this view, it is the duty of Government to limit their issue, as far as practicable, to that amount which is the limit of its currency. Every person acquainted with this branch of political science is aware that, if the currency passes this point, it not only becomes depreciated, but it disturbs the just relations of society, precisely as though an arbitrary power should change the weights and measures of a country. If the currency of a country should be suddenly extended from one "hundred to two hundred millions of dollars, that which was measured by one dollar is now measured by two, and every article must be paid for at double its former price. The Government, from the necessities of war, is the largest of all purchasers, and thus, by a kind of suicidal act, compels itself to pay two dollars for what one would formerly have purchased, and at this rate of advance two hundred millions of dollars can effect no more than one hundred millions of dollars would have effected before; or, in other words, one hundred millions of dollars are actually sunk in the operation.

Such a condition of the currency the Government has anxiously endeavored to guard against. The war tax was laid for the purpose of creating a demand for Treasury notes, and a security for their redemption. Their redundancy has been carefully guarded against by allowing them to be funded in eight per cent, bonds. If necessity shall compel the Government to issue, for the defence of the country, and to keep out two hundred millions, it is plain that every accession must impair and may defeat all the precautions.

If the Government should; undertake, for the sake of private interests, so large an increase of issue, it may hazard its entire credit and stability. The experiment is too dangerous, and relief for the planters must be sought in some other direction. And may not that remedy be found?

In the first place let the planters immediately take measures for winter crops, to relieve the demand for grain and provisions. Let them proceed to divert part of their labor from cotton and make their own clothing and supplies. Then let them apply to the great resource presented by the money capital in banks and private hands. Let this capital come forward and assist the agricultural interest. Heretofore the banks have employed a large part of their capital in the purchase of Northern exchange; let them apply this portion to factors' acceptances of planters' drafts, secured by pledge of the produce in the planters' hands. An extension of the time usually allowed on these drafts would overcome most of the difficulties. This extension could safely reach the probable time of sale of the crops, inasmuch as the suspension of specie payments throughout the entire Confederacy relieves each bank from calls its coin. The banks are accustomed to manage loans of this character, and will conduct the operation with such skill as will make them mutually advantageous. The amount of advance asked from the banks would be greatly less than if advances were  offered by the Government, and all the abuses incidental to Government agencies would be avoided.

It seems to me, therefore, that it is neither necessary nor expedient that the Government should embark upon this dangerous experiment. It is far better that each class of the community should endeavor to secure its own existence by its own exertions, and if an effort be at once made by so intelligent a class as the planters, it will result in relief. Delay in those efforts, occasioned by vague expectations of relief from Government, which cannot be realized, may defeat that which is yet practicable.                           

                                                C. G. MEMMINGER,

                                              Secretary of the Treasury.

At the same time that this circular was issued, a commercial convention had assembled in Memphis, Tennessee. A series of resolutions, expressing violent hostility to the North, and demanding prohibitory legislation against Northern trade, were presented before that body, and voted down, or rejected under such circumstances as were  declared to mean that a reconstruction of commercial and political relations with the North was desired by a majority in that convention.

The military spirit raised by President Lincoln's proclamation reached an indescribable state of excitement during the months of April and May. It was estimated that a hundred thousand men were then organized, armed, and awaiting orders from the Confederate Government, in the seven States which first seceded. In Virginia sixty thousand were under arms. This number included the troops from the other States, together with the militia of Virginia. This latter class were  ready and disposed, in all parts of the State except the western, to turn out almost en masse. This enthusiasm, the prosperous condition of the people generally, Page 147 and the cause of self-defence and self-preservation in which they conceived they were about to fight, rapidly furnished the Government with the men and munitions required. Any attack upon Washington, however, was frustrated by the early arrival of Federal troops in such numbers as to render its success hopeless to the Confederate force. A line of defence was therefore adopted by the Government, the object of which was to prevent the invasion of Virginia by Federal troops. Immediately upon the secession of Virginia a force was despatched by Governor Letcher to seize the U. S. arsenal at Harper's Ferry. This effort' failed in consequence of the destruction of the property by the officers in charge of it, but it served to place a considerable force in the northern border of the State, which ultimately became the left wing of the army in front of Washington. The centre was stationed in a fortified camp at Manassas Junction, and the right wing was posted near the Potomac River. Such was the position of this force at its most flourishing period. At other times, when its numbers were more reduced, the left wing held an independent position, and the centre became a distinct force, resting behind its entrenchments. There were periods during the year when this army was almost destitute of the necessaries of subsistence, and its general supplies were often of the coarsest kind. This force was under the command of General Johnston, who occupied a position with the troops forming the right wing, while the centre at Manassas was under the command of General Beauregard. Upon taking command of this portion of the army, he issued the following proclamation:

HEADQUARTERS, DEPARTMENT OF ALEXANDRIA,

CAMP PICKENS, June 1, 1861.

A Proclamation, to the People of the Counties of Loudon, Fairfax, and Prince William:

A reckless and unprincipled tyrant has invaded your soil. Abraham Lincoln, regardless of nil moral, legal, and constitutional restraints, has thrown his Abolition hosts among you, who are murdering and imprisoning Tour citizens, confiscating and destroying your property, and committing other acts of violence and outrage too shocking and revolting to humanity to be enumerated.

All rules of civilized warfare are abandoned, and they proclaim by their acts, if not on their banners, that their war-cry is "Beauty and Booty." All that is dear to man—your honor, and that of your wives and daughters, your fortunes and your lives—are involved in this momentous contest.

In the name, therefore, of the constituted authorities of the Confederate States; in the sacred cause of constitutional liberty and self-government, for which we are contending; in behalf of civilization itself. I, G. T. Beauregard, Brigadier-General of the Confederate States, commanding at Camp Pickens, Manassas Junction, do make this my proclamation, and invite and enjoin you, bv every consideration dear to the hearts of freemen and patriots, by the name and memory of your Revolutionary fathers, and by the purity and sanctity of your domestic firesides, to rally to the standard of your State and country, and, by every means in your power compatible with honorable warfare, to drive back and expel the invaders from your land.

I conjure you to be true and loyal to your country and her legal and constitutional authorities, and especially to be vigilant of the movements and acts of the enemy, so as to enable you to give the earliest authentic information at these head-quarters, or to the officers under this command.

I desire to assure you that the utmost protection in my power will be given to you all.

                         G. T. BEAUREGARD,

                 Brigadier-General Commanding.

Official.—Thomas Jordan,

        Acting Assistant Adjutant-General.

To oppose this force, Federal troops were concentrated at Washington, who soon took up a fortified position on the Virginia side of the Potomac, opposite the city. This force was under the immediate command of General Scott until his retirement, and subsequently under General McClellan. Another force was stationed farther up the Potomac, opposite the left wing of the Confederate army and on the Maryland side of the Potomac. Frequent skirmishes occurred between the opposing forces, none of which were of such a serious character as to exert a decisive influence upon the campaign of the year, except the battle of Bull Run. (See BULL RUN.)

Meantime, as a state of hostilities had become fully developed between the Federal and Confederate Governments, both powers now resorted to those extreme measures which follow in the hideous train of War.

In the first place, Congress, on the 21st of May, passed an act prohibiting all persons indebted to individuals or corporations in the United States, except the States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, and the District of Columbia, from paying the same to their respective creditors during the war. These debtors were authorized to pay the amounts so due into the Confederate Treasury, for which they would be entitled to receive certificates bearing like interest with the debt, and payable on presentation after the close of the war. Texas, Georgia, and some of the other Confederate States, passed similar acts.

It was generally estimated that the amount due from citizens of Southern States to citizens of Northern States was two hundred millions of dollars. The payment of these debts ceased, as a matter of course, upon the development of the contest, and the necessary cessation of all imports and exports between the hostile countries. The act of Congress was designed to transfer a large portion of the amount of these debts into the Confederate Treasury. In this respect it was a failure. Very few individuals would acknowledge their indebtedness, much less pay the amount into the hands of the Government. On the contrary, those who found favorable opportunities, and anticipated the ultimate defeat of the Confederacy, were generally willing to acknowledge and pay their debts to Northern citizens.

Congress, at its session in July, also passed an act, banishing, within forty days, all persons who were not citizens, from the limits of the Confederate States. The following proclamation was issued by President Davis, in compliance with this act:

Page 148

PROCLAMATION.

Whereas the Congress of the Confederate States of America did, by an act approved on the 8th day of August, 1861, entitled " An Act respecting Alien Enemies," make provision that proclamation should be issued by the President in relation to alien enemies, and in conformity with the provisions of said act:

Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America, do issue this my proclamation: and I do hereby warn and require every male citizen of the United States, of the age of fourteen years and upwards, now within the Confederate States, and adhering to the Government of the United States, and acknowledging the authority of the same, and not being a citizen of the Confederate States, to depart from the Confederate States within forty days from the date of this proclamation. And I do warn all persons above described, who shall remain within the Confederate States after the expiration of said period of forty days, that they will be treated as alien enemies.

Provided, however, That this proclamation shall not be considered as applicable, during the existing war, to citizens of the United States residing within the Confederate States with intent to become citizens thereof, and who shall make a declaration of such intention in due form, acknowledging the authority of this Government; nor shall this proclamation be considered as extending to the States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, the District of Columbia, the Territories of Arizona and New Mexico, and the Indian Territory south of Kansas, who shall not be chargeable with actual hostility or other crime against the public safety, and who shall acknowledge the authority of the Government of the Confederate States.

 And I do further proclaim and make known that I have established the rules and regulations hereto annexed, in accordance with the provisions of said law.

Given under my hand and the seal of the Confederate States of America, at the City of Richmond, on the 14th day of August, A. D. 1861.

                                                JEFFERSON DAVIS.

       By the President,

R. M.T. Hunter, Secretary of State.

The following regulations are hereby established respecting alien enemies, under the provisions of an act approved the 8th of August, 1861, entitled "An Act respecting Alien Enemies:

1. Immediately after the expiration of the term of forty days from the date of the foregoing proclamation, it shall be the duty of the several district attorneys, marshals, and other officers of the Confederate States, to make complaint against any aliens or alien enemies coming within the purview of the act aforesaid, to the end that the several courts of the Confederate States, and of each State having jurisdiction, may order the removal of such aliens or alien enemies beyond the territory of the Confederate States, or their restraint and confinement, according to the terms of said law.

2. The marshals of the Confederate States are hereby directed to apprehend all aliens against whom complaints may be made under said law, and to hold them in strict custody until the final order of the court, taking special care that such aliens obtain no information that could possibly be made useful to the enemy.

3. Whenever the removal of any alien beyond the limits of the Confederate States is ordered by any competent authority, under the provisions of the said law, the marshal shall proceed to execute the order in person, or by deputy, or other discreet person, in such manner us to prevent the alien so removed from obtaining any information that could be used to the prejudice of the Confederate States.

4. Any alien who shall return to these States during the war, after having been removed therefrom under the provisions of said law, shall be regarded and treated as an alien enemy, and, if made prisoner, shall be at once delivered over to the nearest military authority, to be dealt with as a spy or a prisoner of war, at the case may require.

This act was designed to compel all persons to sustain the Government, otherwise they would be declared alien enemies, and compelled to leave the country. The number who returned to the United States in consequence of this act was small. It served to secure a tacit acquiescence in the authority of the Confederate Government, by all who were opposed to it, and thereby enabled it to present an aspect of greater strength and efficiency.

Another act was passed by Congress, declaring all citizens of the United States, except those of Maryland, Kentucky, Delaware, Missouri, and the District of Columbia who do not aid the Federal Government, to be alien enemies of the Confederate States, and confiscating all their lands, stocks, bonds, debts, and property of whatever description, within the limits of the Confederacy. The following were the instructions of the Government relative to the mode of proceeding under the act:

                                                      DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE, 

                                                  RICHMOND, September 12,1861.

Instructions to Receivers under the act entitled

"An Act for the sequestration of the estates, property, and effects of alien enemies, and for the indemnity of citizens of the Confederate States, and persons aiding the same in the existing war against the United States," approved August 8, 1861. The following persons are subject to the operation of the law as alien enemies:

All citizens of the United States, except citizens or residents of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, or Missouri, or the District of Columbia, or the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, or the Indian Territory south of Kansas.

All persons who have a domicile within the States with which this Government is at war, no matter whether they be citizens or not: thus the subjects of Great Britain, France, or other neutral nations, who have a domicile, or are carrying on business or traffic within the States at war with this Confederacy, arc alien enemies under the law.

All such citizens or residents of the States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, or Missouri, and of the Territories" of New Mexico, Arizona, and the Indian Territory south of Kansas, and of the District of Columbia, as shall commit actual hostilities against the Confederate States, or aid or assist the United States in the existing war against the Confederate States.

Immediately after taking your oath of office, you will take possession of nil the property of every nature and, kind whatsoever within your district belonging to alien enemies as above defined.

You will forthwith apply to the clerk of the court for writs of garnishment under the 8th section of the law, and will propound to the garnishees the interrogatories of which a form is annexed. These interrogatories you will propound to the following persons, viz.:

1st. All attorneys and counsellors practising law within your district.

2d. The presidents and cashiers of all banks, and principal administrative officers of all railroad and other corporations within your district.

All agents of foreign corporations, insurance agents, commission merchants engaged in foreign trade, agents of foreign mercantile houses, dealers in bills of exchange, executors and administrators of estates, assignees and syndics of insolvent estates, trustees, and generally all persons who are known to do business as agents for others.

In the first week of each month you will exhibit to (he judge a statement showing the whole amount of money in your hands as receiver, and deposit the same for safe keeping in such bank or other depository as may be selected for that purpose by the judge, reserving only such amount as may be required for immediate necessary expenditure in the discharge of your duties as receivers.

Whenever, in the discharge of your duties, you discover that any attorney, agent, former partner, trustee, or other person holding or controlling any property, rights, or credits of an alien enemy, has wilfully failed to give you information of the same, you will immediately report the fact to the district attorney for your district, to the end that the guilty party may be subjected to the pains and penalties prescribed by the third section of the law.

                                                    J. P. BENJAMIN,

                                                                  Attorney-General.

________

The following interrogatories to garnishees have been prepared for your use, together with a note annexed for the information of the garnishee:

1. Have you now, or have you had, in your possession or under your control, since the twenty-first day of May last, (1861,) and if yea, at what time, any land or lands, tenement or tenements, hereditament or hereditaments, chattel or chattels, right or rights, credit or credits, within the Confederate States of America, held, owned, possessed, or enjoyed for or by an alien enemy, or in or to which any alien enemy had, and when, since that time, any right, title, or interest, either directly or indirectly?

2. If you answer any part of the foregoing interrogatory in the affirmative, then set forth, specifically and particularly, a description of such property, right, title, credit, or interest, and if you have disposed of it in whole or in part, or of the profit, or rent, or interest accruing therefrom, then state when you made such disposition, and to whom, and where such property now is, and by whom held?

3. Were you, since the twenty-first day of May, 1861, and if yea, at what time, indebted, either directly or indirectly, to any alien enemy or alien enemies? If yea, state the amount of such indebtedness, if one, and of each indebtedness if more than one; give the name or names of the creditor or creditors, and the place or places of residence, and state whether and to what extent such debt or debts have been discharged, and also the time and manner of the discharge.

4. Do you know of any land or lands, tenement or tenements, hereditament or hereditaments, chattel or chattels, right or rights, credit or credits, within the Confederate States of America, or any right or interest held, owned, possessed, or enjoyed, directly or indirectly, by or for one or more alien enemies, since the twenty-first day of May, 1861, or in or to which any one or more alien enemies had since that time any claim, title, or interest, direct or indirect? If yea, set forth specially and particularly what and where the property is, and the name and residence of the holder, debtor, trustee, or agent.

5. State all else that yon know which may aid in carrying into full effect the sequestration act of the 30th of August, 1861, and state the same as fully and particularly as if thereunto specially interrogated. A. B., Receiver.

NOTE.—The garnishee in the foregoing interrogatories is specially warned that the sequestration act makes it the duty of each and every citizen to give the information asked in said interrogatories.—[Act 30th August, 1861, sec. 2.] And if any attorney, agent, former partner, trustee, or other person holding or controlling any property or interest therein of or for any alien enemy shall fail speedily to inform the receiver of the same, and to render him an account of such property or interest, he shall be guilty of a high misdemeanor, and, upon conviction, shall be fined in a sum not exceeding five thousand dollars, and imprisoned not longer than six months, and be liable to pay besides to the Confederate States double the value of the property or interest of the alien enemies so held oi subject to bis control.—[Sec 3.]

The constitutionality of this act was called in question in the Confederate Court for the District of South Carolina, Judge Magrath presiding. J. S. Pettigru, a citizen of Charleston, was served with the writ of garnishment, and, being a member of the bar, he appeared in open court to oppose it. The arguments which he boldly advanced show the conflict of the act with the principles of civil and constitutional liberty. In this connection, the following sentence from the speech of President Davis at Richmond, on June 1st, is worthy of notice: "Upon us is devolved the high and holy responsibility of preserving the constitutional liberty of a free government." The objections to this confiscation act were of the following nature:

"Where is the authority given? Where is the power to call upon the citizen, in a new and unheard-of manner, to answer questions upon oath for the purpose of enforcing the confiscation law? Shall it be said that it is to furnish the means for carrying on the war? How can that be said to be necessary which is absolutely never known to have been done before? Was there anybody that ever fought before General Beauregard? War unfortunately is not a new thing. Its history is found on every page. Was there ever a law like this endured, practised, or heard of? It certainly is not found among the people from whom we derive the common law. No English monarch or Parliament has ever sanctioned or undertaken such a thing. It is utterly inconsistent with the common law to require an inquisitorial examination of the subjects of the laws of war. It is no more a part of the law of war than it is a part of the law of peace. * * *

"All that can be said in favor of the end and object proposed, can be said in favor of the Star Chamber and the Spanish Inquisition. Torquemada set on the latter institution with the best of motives. It was to save men's souls. He labored most earnestly, in season and out of season; and when high necessity commanded, he burnt their bodies to save their souls. * * *

"We do not consider that the end justifies the means in these days, but Torquemada might have burnt Jews and Protestants, without calling upon their best friends to inform against them, and making it penal not to do so. * * *

"The war power includes as an incident every thing which is necessary or usual. It cannot be pretended that this is necessary or usual, since it never was done before. This is not the first war that ever was waged; and the laws of war are not the subject of wild speculation. Now, the means granted to attain this end are based upon the supposition that the end deserves all commendation; that nothing in the world is more calculated to advance the repute of the country than to be keen in searching out the property of enemies, and proceeding Page 150 against them when they have no opportunity of being heard, and to impoverish them by taking away the earnings of their industry and applying it to other uses. * * * It would be the most intolerable hardship for me, for a citizen, at every quarter session to be obliged to tell all he knows or suspects against his neighbor. It is pretended that it is an innocent proceeding. How can that be innocent which calls upon one to commit a breach of trust? * * *

"It is an extraordinary stretch of power, in an extraordinary time, when we are endeavoring to make good before the world our right to its respect as an enlightened people—a people capable of self government, and of governing themselves in a manner worthy of the civilization and light of the age; and this act, borrowed from the darkest period of tyranny, is dug up from the very quarries of despotism, and put forth as our sentiments. They are not my sentiments; and sorry will I be if in this sentiment I am solitary and alone. * * * With regard to that which requires the violation of professional confidence, he must be better instructed before making up his mind to the order of responsibility or not. There are cases where it is dishonor or death—and death will certainly be chosen by every man who deserves the name." (See S. Carolina.)

All property in corporations, such as stock or bonds of railroad companies, banks, &c, held by citizens of the Northern States, was easily traced out and very generally sequestrated. Such property also as was the basis of mercantile and commercial enterprise, was extensively confiscated, but interests in estates, and that class of property which passes through kindred and friends, was extensively covered up. The enforcement of the law gradually ceased with the decline of that bitterness of spirit which existed at the time of its passage. It was also understood that, as a measure of severity against Northern citizens, it would be of no avail. Where allegiance was given by a citizen, protection was due by the Government. Under this principle the Government of the United States would in justice be required to compensate its citizens for their losses. A sequestration act was passed by the Federal Congress. (See UNITED STATES.) Its enforcement was temporary.

On the 8th of July, while Colonel Porter was reconnoitring for a camp for his brigade about six miles from Arlington, on the Virginia side of the Potomac, opposite Washington, Lieutenant-Colonel Taylor, an officer in the Confederate army, presented himself with a flag of truce. He stated that he was the bearer of despatches from the President of the Confederate States to President Lincoln. He was taken to the head-quarters at Arlington, and at evening conveyed to Washington. His letter was sent to President Lincoln, and the next day he returned. No answer was given to this communication, the contents of which were as follows:

                                                    RICHMOND, July 6,1861.

To Abraham Lincoln, President and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the United States:

Sir: Having learned that the schooner Savannah, a private armed vessel in the service and sailing under a commission issued by authority of the Confederate States of America, had been captured by one of the vessels forming the blockading squadron off Charleston harbor, I directed a proposition to be made to the officer commanding that squadron for an exchange of the officers and crew of the Savannah for prisoners of war held by this Government, "according to number and rank." To this proposition, made on the 19th ultimo. Captain Mercer, the officer in command of the blockading squadron, made answer on the same day that " the prisoners (referred to) are not on board of any of the vessels under my command."

It now appears, by statements made without contradiction in newspapers published in New York, that the prisoners above mentioned were conveyed to that city, and have been treated, not as prisoners of war, but as criminals; that they have been put in irons, confined in jail, brought before the courts of justice on charges of piracy and treason; and it is even rumored that they have been actually convicted of the offences charged, for no other reason than that they bore arms in defence of the rights of this Government, and under the authority of its commission. I could not, without grave discourtesy, have made the newspaper statements above referred to the subject of this communication, if the threat of treating as pirates the citizens of this Confederacy, armed for its service on the high seas, had not been contained in your proclamation of 19th April last; that proclamation, however, seems to afford a sufficient justification for considering these published statements as riot devoid of probability.

It is the desire of this Government so to conduct the war now existing as to mitigate its horrors, as far as may be possible; and, with this intent, its treatment of the prisoners captured by its forces has been marked by the greatest humanity and leniency consistent with public obligation. Some have been "permitted to return home on parole, others to remain at large under similar conditions within this Confederacy, and all have been furnished with rations for their subsistence, such as are allowed to our own troops. It is only since the news has been received of the treatment of the prisoners taken on the Savannah that I have been compelled to withdraw these indulgences and to hold the prisoners taken by us in strict confinement.

A just regard to humanity and to the honor of this Government now requires me to state explicitly that, painful as will be the necessity, this Government will deal out to the prisoners held by it the same treatment and the some fate as shall be experienced by those captured on the Savannah; and if driven to the terrible necessity of retaliation by your execution of any of the officers or crew of the Savannah, that retaliation will be extended so far as shall be requisite to secure the abandonment of a practice unknown to the warfare of civilized man, and so barbarous as to disgrace the nation which shall be guilty of inaugurating it.

With this view, and because it may not have reached you, I now renew the proposition made to the commander of the blockading squadron, to exchange for the prisoners taken on the Savannah an equal number of those now held by us, according to rank.

                                  I am, sir, yours, &c.,

                                              JEFFERSON DAVIS,

President and Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy of the Confederate States.

In his message to Congress on the 20th of July, President Davis refers to this despatch sent to Washington, and after stating the reasons upon which it was sent, thus proceeds:

"To this end I despatched an officer under a flag of truce to President Lincoln, and informed Page 151 him of my resolute purpose to check all barbarities on prisoners of war by such severity of retaliation on prisoners held by us as should secure the abandonment of the practice. This communication was received and' read by an officer in command of the United States forces, and a message was brought from him by the bearer of my communication that a reply would be returned by President Lincoln as soon as possible. I earnestly hope this promised reply (which has not yet been received) will convey the assurance that prisoners of war will be treated, in this unhappy contest, with that regard for humanity which has made such conspicuous progress in the conduct of modern warfare. As measures of precaution, however, and until this promised reply is received, I shall retain in close custody some officers captured from the enemy, whom it had been my pleasure previously to set at large on parole, and whose fate must necessarily depend on that of prisoners held by the enemy." Still later in the year, another case of this kind occurred. The captain and crew who were captured in the privateer Jefferson Davis were brought to Philadelphia and tried, and found guilty of piracy. The sentence of the law in such a case is death. For the purpose of rescuing these men, retaliatory measures were adopted by the Confederate Government. What the measures were, and the manner in which they were put in force, is shown by the orders of the Government authorities, as follows:

C. S. A. WAR DEPARTMENT, }

Richmond, November 9,1861.

Sir: You are hereby instructed to choose, by lot, from among the prisoners of war of highest rank, one who is to be confined in a cell appropriated to convicted felons, and who is to be treated in all respects as if such convict, and to be held for execution in the same manner as may be adopted by the enemy for the execution of the "prisoner of war Smith, recently condemned to death in Philadelphia.

You will also select thirteen other prisoners of war, the highest in rank of those captured by our forces, to be confined in the cells reserved for prisoners accused of infamous crimes, and will treat them as such so long as the enemy shall continue so to treat the like number of prisoners of war captured by them at sea, and now held for trial in New York as pirates.

As these measures are intended to repress the infamous attempt now made by the enemy to commit judicial murder on prisoners of war, you will execute them strictly, as the mode best calculated to prevent the commission of so heinous a crime.

                Your obedient servant,

                      J. P. BENJAMIN,

                             Acting Secretary of War.

To Brigadier-General John H. Winder, Richmond, Virginia

___________

          HEAD-QUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF HENRICO, 

               RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, November 11, 1861, 

Sir: In obedience to your instructions contained in your letter of the 9th instant, one prisoner of war of the highest rank in our possession was chosen, by lot, to be held for execution in the same manner as may be adopted by the enemy for the execution of Smith, recently condemned to death in Philadelphia. The names of the six Colonels were placed in a can. The first name drawn was that of Colonel Corcoran, Sixty-ninth Regiment N. Y. S. M., who is the hostage chosen to answer for Smith.

In choosing the thirteen from the highest rank to be held for a like number of prisoners of war captured bv the enemy at sea, there being only ten field officers, it was necessary to draw by lot three captains. The first names drawn were Captains J. B. Ricketts, H. McQuade, and J. W. Rockwood.

The list of thirteen will therefore stand: Colonels Lee, Cogswell, Wilcox, Woodruff", and Wood; Lieutenant-Colonels Bowman and Neff; Majors Potter, Revere, and Vogdes; Captains Ricketts, McQuade, and Rockwood.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

                JOHN H. WINDER, Brigadier-General.

                          Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War.

________

          HEAD-QUARTERS DEPARTMENT Of HENRICO,

                 RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, November 12,1861.

Sir: In obedience to your instructions, nil the wounded officers have been exempted as hostages, to await the result of the trial of prisoners captured by the enemy at sea. I have therefore made selections, by lot, of Captains H. Bowman and T. Keffer, to replace Captains Ricketts and McQuade, wounded.

The list of thirteen will now stand: Colonels Lee, Cogswell, Wilcox, Woodruff, and Wood; Lieutenant-Colonels Bowman and Neff; Majors Potter, Revere, and Vogdes; Captains Rockwood, Bowman, and Keffer.

      Respectfully, your obedient servant,

            JOHH. WINDER, Brigadier-General.

Hon. J. P. Benjamin, Sec'y of War, Richmond.

The privateersmen were ultimately put on the footing of prisoners of war by the orders of the Federal Government, and these prisoners in the Confederate States were early released, with the exception of Colonel Corcoran.

These extreme measures, whether adopted by the Federal or Confederate Governments, were not prosecuted for any length of time with that bitterness or vindictiveness which might be anticipated from the language in which they are expressed. Neither was the treatment of prisoners on either side, with some exceptions, marked by that harshness and severity which characterized former wars, and especially civil wars. The sentiment of mankind forbade, either at the North or South, any thing like a system of cruelty to captives.

The internal affairs of the Confederate States were early placed upon an organized and efficient system. The withdrawal from the United States, and the creation of a Confederacy, caused but few changes, and these consisted rather in the persons who held public offices, than in any change in the nature of the offices themselves.

The transmission of the mails was gradually suspended by the Federal Government, after the secession of each State, and was entirely assumed by the Confederate Government within the limits of the Confederate States after the 31st of May.

All postmasters, route agents, and special agents acting under the authority of the United States, were directed, on and after the 1st day of June, to continuo in the discharge of their duties, subject to the laws and regulations of the Confederate Government, to which they were required to apply for new commissions. They were also instructed to render their final accounts up to the 31st day of May, to the Post-Office Page 152 Department at "Washington, and to return, at the same time, all postage stamps and stamped envelopes belonging to the United State, and to retain in their possession all the revenue which should have accrued from the postal service previous to the 1st of June, to meet the orders of the Postmaster-General of the United States for the payment of mail-service within the Confederate States.

Postmasters were forbidden to collect postage on mail matter sent to or received from the United States until a postal treaty should be made by that Government with the Southern Confederacy; and, until postage stamps and stamped envelopes were furnished, all mail matter was required to be paid for in money.

Five cents were charged for every single sealed letter conveyed over a distance of less than five hundred miles within the limits of the Confederacy; and for any distance exceeding that point, double that rate. Newspapers published within the Confederate States and sent from the office to subscribers residing in the said States, were charged as follows: weeklies, ten cents per quarter; semi-weeklies, double that amount; tri-weeklies, treble that amount; papers published six times a week, sixty cents; and dailies seventy cents. Periodicals published oftener than biennially were charged as newspapers. Books, bound or unbound, not weighing over four pounds, were charged at two cents an ounce for any distance. Double the rates above specified were to be charged upon all newspapers published beyond the limits of the Confederate States.

The new postage stamp did not make its appearance until the 18th of October. It was green, with a portrait of President Davis, within a double oval border, surrounded with the inscription, "Confederate States of America." Outside of the circle, and at the head of the stamp, is the word "postage," and at the lower edge its denomination, "five cents."

The Courts of the United States were also organized as courts of the Confederate States, and the officers of the army and navy of the United States, who resigned, became officers in the army and navy of the Confederate States. Revenue officers in like manner continued as such under the new Government.

At the session of Congress in July at Richmond, the report of the Secretary of War stated the number of regiments of troops then accepted was 194, and 32 battalions, besides various detachments of artillery, and companies of cavalry. He urged the continued acceptance of troops until the number reached 300 regiments. The success at Bull Run awakened such a degree of enthusiasm and confidence in the ultimate triumph of the Confederacy, that the army, in a short time, increased to a greater number than had been anticipated. Forward movements were made from Manassas and Centreville, and the flag of the "Stars and Bars" was flaunted from the summit of Munson's Hill, where the inhabitants of the city of Washington could sec its folds proudly waving. At this time, a division of opinion existed even in the Cabinet of President Davis, on the policy of a forward movement of the army. It was apprehended by those who were opposed, that an attack upon and destruction of the Capital would thoroughly arouse the North. Some asserted that the true policy at that time, was to await the action of the French and English Governments, and thus the difficulties might be arranged without further effusion of blood. At the same time, the army was desirous of a forward movement, the capture of "Washington, the recovery of Maryland, and the possession of Baltimore for their winter-quarters. The final decision was adverse to a forward movement. The rapid increase in the Federal force, its improving discipline and reorganization, rendered doubtful the result. A change was also made in the war policy of the Federal Government, the design of which now was to attack the Confederate States elsewhere than in "Virginia. All these circumstances exerted a controlling influence when united with others which existed within the Confederacy itself. These consisted in a lack of transportation, and those more indispensable means to the success of an attempt at invasion, an abundance of money. Nevertheless, the military efforts of the Government were on a most extensive scale. Troops were organized and sent to intrenched camps in Kentucky. (See KENTUCKY.) Forces were maintained in "Western Virginia, and an active campaign carried on. (See VIRGINIA.) In Missouri, although left in a manner by the Government to take care of herself, the most active military operations took place. (See MISSOURI.) The talents and skill of the Commanding General, Price, enabled him to sustain himself, and carry on an active campaign with less assistance and encouragement from the Government than any officer in the army.

At this moment, the solvent or specie-paying banks refused to receive the Confederate Treasury notes, and were calling in all their own circulation. They also refused to receive the bills of suspended banks, and both Treasury notes and suspended bills sunk from eight to fifteen per cent., and in the cities of the Gulf States were refused by mechanics and tradesmen. Embarrassment, discouragement, and uncertainty settled upon whole communities. The valuable paper was rapidly decreasing and disappearing, while the other was as rapidly increasing. All who could, drew specie from the banks, and millions of dollars were hid away or buried.

From this period, which was the month of September, the favorable aspect of affairs in the Confederate States began to decline, and before the close of the year, the subject of drafting soldiers to serve in the army was actively discussed. The entire forces in the field at any time scarcely exceeded 290,000 men, and many of those were militia, rather than soldiers enlisted for a long war.

Financial affairs became more and more embarrassed, and the sale of the year's crops, upon which an agricultural people always relies, being cut off, the planters and agriculturalists found themselves sadly crippled. Clothing and arms were deficient for the army, and the means of increasing the latter were too defective to promise a sufficient supply, unless they could be obtained in Europe, and imported in spite of the blockade.

On the 6th of November, an election was held for a President and Vice-President under the permanent constitution. President Davis and Vice-President Stephens were the candidates without opposition. The electoral votes of the States respectively were as follows:

Alabama 11 

North Carolina 12

Arkansas 6

South Carolina 8

Florida 4

Tennessee 13

Georgia 12

Texas 8

Louisiana 8

Virginia 18

Mississippi 9

Total 109

Messrs.

Davis and Stephens were elected President and Vice-President for the term of six years. They entered upon the duties of their offices under this election, in the ensuing month of February.

The extent of attachment for the Federal Union, which remained among the people of the Confederate States, can never be justly known. It was not prudent to express such sentiments, however ardently they might have been entertained. Neither was it any less imprudent to express sentiments in favor of secession in the United States. Doubtless a large number of the people were disposed to acquiesce in the result, whichever side triumphed. In some parts of the Confederate States, such as Western Virginia, the Union sentiment was irresistible; in other parts it was kept in subjection by the strong arm of military power. Such was the case in Eastern Tennessee. The following correspondence between the Colonel commanding a post in that region of country, and the Confederate Secretary of War, reveals the strength of the Union attachment among the people:

                                       KNOXVILLE, November 20, 1861.

J. P. Benjamin, Secretary of War:

Sir: The rebellion in East Tennessee has been put down in some of the counties, and will be effectually suppressed in a few weeks in all the counties. Their camps in Sweet and Hamilton counties have been broken up, and a large number of them made prisoners. Some are confined in jail at this place, and others sent to Nashville. In a former communication I inquired of the Department what I should do with them. It is a mere farce to arrest them, and turn them over to the courts—instead of having the effect to intimidate, it really gives encouragement and emboldens them in their traitorous conduct.

We have now in custody some of their leaders: Judge Patterson, the son-in-law of Andrew Johnson; Colonel Pickens, the Senator in the Legislature from Sevier and other counties; and several members of the Legislature, besides others of influence and some distinction in their counties. These men have encouraged this rebellion, but have so managed as not to be found in arms; nevertheless, all their actions and words have been hostile to the Confederate States. The influence of their wealth, position, and connection has been exerted in favor of the Lincoln Government, and they are the parties most to blame for the troubles in East Tennessee. They really deserve the gallows, and if consistent with the laws, ought speedily to receive their deserts. But there is such a gentle spirit of conciliation in the South, that 1 have no idea that one of them will receive such a sentence at the hands of any jury empanelled to try them. I have been here at this station for three months, half the time in command of the post, and I have had a good opportunity of learning the feeling pervading the country; it is hostile to the Confederate Government. They are the followers and slaves of Johnson and Maynard, and never intend to be otherwise. When accosted, they suddenly become very submissive, and declare they are for peace, and not supporters of the Lincoln Government, but yet they claim to be Union men. At one time, when our forces were at Knoxville, they gave it out that great changes were taking place in East Tennessee, and the people were becoming reconciled and loyal. At the withdrawal of the army from here to the Gap, and the first intimation of the approach of the Lincoln army, they were in arms, and there was scarcely a man but who was ready to join the enemy and make war upon us. I have to suggest at least that the prisoners I have taken be treated, if not as traitors, as prisoners of war. To release them would be ruinous—to convict them in a court next to an impossibility. But if they are kept in prison six months, it will have a good effect. The bridge-burners ought to be tried at once. Very respectfully, W. B. WOOD. Colonel commanding post

_____

Benjamin's reply.

                                    WAR DEPARTMENT, RICHMOND,

                                            November 26, 1861.  

Colonel W. B. Wood—Sir: Your report of the 20th inst. is received, and I now proceed to give you the desired instructions in relation to the prisoners taken by you amongst the traitors of East Tennessee.

1st. All such as can be identified in having been engaged in bridge-burning are to be tried summarily by arum-bead court-martial, and if found guilty, executed on the spot by banging. It would be well to leave their bodies hanging in the vicinity of the burnt bridges.

2d. All such as have not been so engaged, are to be treated as prisoners of war, and sent with an armed guard to Tuscaloosa, Alabama, there to be kept imprisoned at the depot selected by the Government for prisoners of war.

Whenever you can discover that arms are concentrated by these traitors, you will send out detachments, search for, and seize the arms. In no case is one  the men known to have been up in arms against the Government, to be released on any pledge or oath of allegiance. The time for such measures is past. They are all to be held as prisoners of war, and held in jail till the end of the war. Such as come in voluntarily, take the oath of allegiance, and surrender their arms, are alone to be treated with leniency. Your vigilant execution of these orders is earnestly urged by the Government.

         Your obedient servant,

                    J. P. BENJAMIN, Secretary of War.

P. S.—Judge Patterson, Colonel Pickens, and other ring-leaders of the same class, must be sent at once to Tuscaloosa to jail, as prisoners of war.

The year finally closed with .one of the most decisive blows to the hopes of the Confederate States for a speedy triumph, which could possibly occur. The chief reliance for success, entertained by the Confederate authorities and people, was founded upon the expectation of certain interference by England and France to Page 154 break up the blockade and open their trade. Messrs. Mason and Slidell were sent out as Commissioners, the former to England and the latter to France, to negotiate treaties with those Governments. They were captured when on board an English steamer, (see TRENT,) on their way to England, and taken to Boston, and incarcerated in Fort "Warren. It was believed in the Confederate States that the crisis had now come—England would demand the surrender of these Commissioners, which the United States would refuse, and war would immediately ensue between the latter power and Great Britain. All eyes were now turned with intense interest to view the conduct of England. The stormy weather delayed the arrival of the news. The first report brought, stated the immense military preparations she was making. The next brought a demand for the immediate surrender of the Commissioners, or the alternative of the retirement of the British Minister. Three days of great public anxiety ensued. On the fourth day the Commissioners were surrendered, (see DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE,) and the hopes of the Confederate States for foreign intervention were dashed to the ground, never to rise again. The Government of the Confederate States at the close of the year was as follows:

JEFFERSON DAVIS, of Mississippi, President.

ALEX. H. STEPHENS, of Georgia, Vice-President.

Colonel JOSEPH DAVIS, of Mississippi, Aid to the President

Captain E. JOSSELYN, of Mississippi, Private Secretary of the President.

R. M. T. HUNTER, Virginia Secretary of State.

WILLIAM M. BROWNE, Assistant Secretary of State.

P. P. DANDRIGE, Chief Clerk.

C. G. MEMM1NGER, 8. C, Secretary of the Treasury.

P. CLAYTON. Ga, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury.

H. T. CAPERS. Chief Clerk of the Department.

LEWIS CRUGER, S. C, Comptroller and Solicitor.

BOLLING BAKER, Georgia, 1st Auditor.

W. H. S. TAYLOR, Louisiana, 2d Auditor.

ROBERT TYLER, Virginia, Register.

E. C. ELMORE, Alabama, Treasurer.

J. P. BENJAMIN, Louisiana, Secretary of War.

A. T. BLEDSOE, Virginia, Chief Clerk of the Department.

S. COOPER, Virginia, Adjutant and Inspector-General of the C. S. Army. Lieut.-Col.

B. CHILTON and Captain J. WITHERS, S. C, Assistants Adjutant and Inspector-General.

Colonel R. TAYLOR, Ky., Quartermaster-General.

Colonel A. C. MYERS, ft. C, Assistant Quartermaster-General. Lieut.-Col. NORTHROP, S. C, Commissary-General.

Colonel J. GORGAS., Virginia, Chief of Ordnance.

Colonel S. P. MOORE, (M. D.) S. C, Surgeon-General.

Capt. C. H. SMITH, (M. D,) Virginia, Assistant Surgeon-General.

Capt. LEG. G. CAPERS, (M. D„) S. C, Chief Clerk or the Medical Department

Major D. HUBBARD, Alabama, Commissioner of Indian Affaires.

S. R. MALLORY, Fla, Secretary of the Navy.

Com. E. M. TIDBALL, Virginia, Chief Clerk of the Department Com.

D. N. INGRAHAM, 8. C, Chief of Ordnance, Construction, and Repair.

Capt. GEORGE MINOR, Virginia, Inspector of Ordnance.

Com. L. ROSSEAU, La, Chief of Equipment, Recruiting Orders, and Detail.

Capt. W. A. SPOTTS WOOD, CM. D.,) Virginia, Chief of Medicine and Surgery.

Capt. JOHN DEBREE, Chief of Clothing and Provisions.

Ex-Governor BRAGG, N. C, Attorney-General.

WADE KEYS, Alabama, Assistant Attorney-General.

R. R. RHODES, Mississippi, Commissioner of Patents.

G. E. W. NELSON, Ga, Superintendent of Public Printing.

R. M. SMITH, Virginia, Public Printer.

JOHN H. REAGAN, Texas, Postmaster-

General, H. S. OFFUT, Virginia, Chief Contract Bureau.

B. N. CLEMENTS, Tenn., Chief Appointment Bureau.

J. L. HAERELL, Ala, Chief Finance Bureau.

W. D. MILLER, Texas, Chief Clerk of Department.

(The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year 1861, vol. 1. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868, pp. 121-154.)


Source: The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.