The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.

Confederate Government, 1861, Part 1

CONFEDERATE STATES. 1861 At the 3d session of the 11th Congress, in 1861, the dissolution of the Union was spoken of for the first time by a member from the State of Massachusetts, as a possible event of the future. The manner in which this was received by that Congress seemed to indicate that it was looked upon by them almost with sentiments of abhorrence. The circumstances are interesting at this time. The bill to form a Constitution and State Government for the Territory of Orleans, and the admission of such State under the name of Louisiana into the Union, was under consideration.

Mr. Quincy, of Massachusetts, in opposition to the bill, said: "I am compelled to declare it as my deliberate opinion, that if this bill passes, the bonds of this Union are virtually dissolved; that the States which compose it are free from their obligations; and that, as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, to prepare definitely for a separation, amicably, if they can, violently, if they must."

Mr. Quincy was here called to order by Mr. Poindexter.

Mr. Quincy repeated and justified the remark he had made, which, to save all misapprehension, he committed to writing, in the following words: "If this bill passes, it is my deliberate opinion that it is virtually a dissolution of this Union; that it will free the States from their moral obligation; and as it will be the right of all, so it will be the duty of some, definitely to prepare for a separation, amicably, if they can, violently, if they must."

After some little confusion, Mr. Poindexter required the decision of the Speaker, whether it was consistent with the propriety of debate, to use such an expression. He said it was radically wrong for any member to use arguments going to dissolve the Government, and tumble this body itself to dust and ashes. It would be found, from the gentleman's statement of his language, that he had declared the right of any portion of the people to separate.

Mr. Quincy wished the Speaker to decide, for if the gentleman was permitted to debate the question, he should lose one-half of his speech.

The Speaker said that great latitude in debate was generally allowed; and that, by way of argument against a bill, the first part of the gentleman's observations was admissible; but the latter member of the sentence, viz., "That it would be the duty of some States to prepare for a separation, amicably if they can, violently if they must," was contrary to the order of debate.

Mr. Quincy appealed from his decision, and required the ayes and noes on the appeal. The question was stated thus: "Is the decision of the Speaker correct?" And decided, ayes, 53; noes, 56.

Occasionally the subject was alluded to in the progress of time, until it was regarded as a deed to be abhorred, but yet such as might be both possible and necessary under some circumstances of wrong and oppression. 

The war with Great Britain in 1812, was so destructive to the commercial interests of the New England States, that they, to a great extent, withheld and refused their cooperation with the Federal Government. In Massachusetts, the State authorities took decisive measures to prevent the Federal Government from obtaining volunteers. Separation from the Union was discussed and advocated.

Finally public sentiment became so strong that a Convention was held at Hartford, in the State of Connecticut. It was convened to consider the state of affairs, and to devise a remedy. What its view of public affairs might be, and what would be the remedy it might suggest, was too well known to the public to admit of a doubt. Its sessions, like those of the Conventions in the seceding States, were held in secret, or with doors closed against every one except members of the Convention. Whatever were the recommendations of this body, no public action took place upon them, in consequence of the cessation of hostilities, and the speedy conclusion of peace with Great Britain.

The result of this Convention was to recognize and reaffirm the principle or doctrine which had hitherto been unofficially, and only by individuals announced, that a separation of the States, or a dissolution of the Union, or rather a withdrawal of a State or States from the Union, could, under some circumstances, be rightful and just. This justification would be found to arise from acts of oppression and wrong persistently enforced by the Federal Government. So slow were the people of the United States to recognize the right of revolution as against their own admirably formed system of government, and so attached and loyal were they to this system of government, that the members of the Convention at Hartford were ever after refused all public favor, and carried with them the frowns of the people down to their graves.

The institution of domestic slavery had always been repugnant to a large number of conscientious persons in the Northern and Southern States, but more extensively in the former. Upon the application of the State of Missouri to become a member of the Union in 1819, opposition was made, which was based upon hostility to the extension of the institution of slavery. At this time the strife ran so high as to present to the consideration of the people the question of a separation of the States, and render it more familiar to their minds. This difficulty was satisfactorily adjusted.

The subject now disappeared from the public mind until the years 1831 and '32, when the State of South Carolina took the ground that the tariff act passed by Congress in 1828, was not only unconstitutional, but so unjust and oppressive in its operation against her that it should not be executed within her limits. The issue joined in this case did not present

Page 122  the true point involved. It became a question of strength between the Federal Government and the State. The State herself was divided in. sentiment. The Federal Government made concessions, and all open signs of strife disappeared. In this instance, the acts of oppression and wrong could not be stated in precise words, nor estimated in figures. They were not of such a positive and flagrant character (that the world could see or comprehend them. Hence the course of South Carolina at that time has not been approved by the sentiment of mankind. By this difficulty a great stride was taken towards a solution of the problem of a Reparation of the States. The State and the Federal Government reached the actual borders of a violent struggle.

Enough had been seen of the operation of the Government to prove that this question of separation of a State or States from the Union, was one which the American people must some time meet and decide. Indeed, it may be declared, as a general principle, that if the right of revolution is sacred, such is the tendency of all human government, either through ignorance or negligence, or from a wilful purpose, at some period, to persist in oppressive and unjust measures, that none can escape the bitter experience of internal bloodshed. In other words, if those who have power will oppress, then those who are oppressed, or who think they are oppressed, or who suppose they are about to be oppressed, will certainly resist, or they must consent to become slaves.

At this time, political agitation for the abolition of slavery commenced. This brought out, in 1835, political agitation for its defence and protection. Small and insignificant at first, this contest grew into a terrific flame. The latter party always asserted that, under a just and strict administration of the Government according to the Constitution, their rights were safe, and slavery, as an institution, could not be essentially damaged. At the same time, they boldly and fully declared that, if the time should ever come when they should be convinced that they could not retain their rights as slaveholders and slaveholding States, within the Union and under the administration of the Federal Government, they then should seek those rights and that protection without the Union. In other words, a separation or dissolution of the Union was to be the alternative of the triumph of one side, and the defeat of the other. With an astonishing indifference, apparently, the mass of the people witnessed this contest. It can be explained only upon the supposition, that the attachment to the Union of all the States was so great, and its civil and social advantages so conspicuous that none were ready to believe a serious purpose for its destruction could be formed. Finally, on the 4th of November, 1860, the issue was decided. The political agitators for the limitation or abolition of slavery, triumphed over the political agitators for its defence and protection. The latter party immediately took the steps which they believed to be necessary to carry out their long-threatened purpose. It may not be altogether out of place in these pages to ask if they -were justified in beginning these proceedings? In answer, it may be asked if the slaveholding States were suffering at that time, under the hand of the Federal Government, such oppression and such wrongs as justify the exercise of the sacred right of revolution? They were not. Did they fear the speedy infliction of such wrongs as would justify the exercise of the right of revolution? This question is asked on the presumption that the apprehension of wrongs and oppression will justify revolution; and, for the sake of the argument, let it be granted. On this question turns the whole case. Did they fear and apprehend these wrongs? and were their fears just and well founded? The debates at the 2d session of the 87th Congress, contain the views of Southern Senators and Representatives. (See CONGRESS, U. S.) According to these statements such were their fears and apprehensions. South Carolina, after adopting an ordinance of secession, issued a declaration of grievances, which consist of past injuries she has suffered. (See South Carolina.) This point was also discussed in the South Carolina State Convention. The views there entertained, are shown in the following debate:

Mr. Parker: "Mr. President, it appears to me, with great deference to the opinions that have been expressed, that the public mind is fully made up to the great occasion that now awaits us. It is no spasmodic effort that has come suddenly upon us, but it has been gradually culminating for a long series of years, until at last it has come to that point when we may say the matter is entirely right."

Mr. Inglis: "Mr. President, if there is any gentleman present who wishes to debate this matter, of course this body will hear him; but as to delay, for the purpose of a discussion, I for one am opposed to it. As my friend (Mr. Parker) has said, most of us have had this matter under consideration for the last twenty years, and I presume we have by this time arrived at a decision upon the subject."

Mr. Keitt: "Sir, we are performing a great act, which involves not only the stirring present, but embraces the whole great future of ages to come. I have been engaged in this movement ever since I entered political life. I am content with what has been done to-day, and content with what will take place to-morrow. We have carried the body of this Union to its last resting-place, and now we will drop the flag over its grave. After that is done, I am ready to adjourn, and leave the remaining ceremonies for to-morrow."

Mr. Rhett: "The secession of South Carolina is not an event of a day. It is not any thing produced by Mr. Lincoln's election, or by the non-execution of the fugitive slave law. It has been a matter which has been gathering head for thirty years. The election of Lincoln Page 123 and Hamlin was the last straw on the back of the camel. But it was not the only one. The back was nearly broken before. The point upon which I differ from my friend is this: He says he thought it expedient for us to put this great question before the world upon this simple matter of wrongs on the question of slavery, and that question turned upon the fugitive slave law. Now, in regard to the fugitive slave law, I myself doubt its constitutionality, and I doubted it on the floor of the Senate, when I was a member of that body. The States, acting in their sovereign capacity, should be responsible for the rendition of fugitive slaves. That was our best security."

So, in the correspondence of Messrs. Rost, Yancey, and Mann, with Lord John Russell, the right of separation is placed on other grounds. (See DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENCE OF CONFEDERATE STATES, also PUBLIC DOCUMENTS, Messages of President Davis.) Admitting, then, notwithstanding these various statements, that fears of wrongs and destruction to the institution of slavery were entertained, and that each apprehensions, if well founded, are a justification of revolution; yet, on this point, it is sufficient to state the fact, that the Federal Government has always been ready to compromise in her difficulties with any State. If it had meditated evil in the new hands in which it has been placed, of which not the first sign had yet appeared, its hands would have been tied by the action of nearly half the voters in the sixteen Northern States, and by the action of all the voters in the fifteen Southern States. On the secession of the State of Georgia, one of her citizens used this language:

"Posterity will regard the act as wanting in statesmanship, and the greatest folly ever committed by a great and prosperous people. But undue prosperity begets luxury and restlessness, and grave deeds are often committed without reflection or reason. Posterity will censure the act of secession, for the reason that the seceding States, in their several Conventions, made no demands for the redress of grievances, but madly—yea, blindly—precipitated a revolution. To stand justified in the eye of the future, and before the scrutiny of civilization, we should demand redress in a Convention of all the States."

The first public act which took place, having for its ultimate object the formation of a Southern Confederacy, was the call for a State Convention in South Carolina. This resulted in the secession of that State, and was followed rapidly by the secession of Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas. The preliminary proceedings which have come to light are too important to be overlooked. The first public step is to be found described in a letter from the Colonel of the Ordnance, H. K. Craig, to the Secretary of War, Joseph Holt, dated January 15, 1861, stating the number of rifles and muskets sent to the Southern States during the year 1860. It is as follows:

"Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the reference of a letter from the Hon. B. Stanton, asking for a statement of the distribution of arms from the armories to the arsenals and other places of deposit for safe keeping, from the 1st of January, 1860, to that of January 1, 1861, &c.

"In compliance with your directions, I have the honor to report that on the 30th day of December, 1859, an order was received from the "War Department directing the transfer of ono hundred and fifteen thousand muskets from the Springfield (Massachusetts) and Watervliet (New York) arsenals to different arsenals at the South. Orders were given in obedience to these instructions on the 30th of May, 1860, and the arms were removed during the past spring from and to the places as follows:—

"From Springfield armory sixty-five thousand percussion muskets, calibre sixty-nine hundredths of an inch.

"From Watertown arsenal six thousand percussion rifles, calibre fifty-four hundredths of an inch.

"From Watervliet arsenal four thousand percussion rifles, calibre fifty-four hundredths of an inch. "Of which there were sent as follows:

                                   Percussion Musket. Alt’d Musk’s. P. Rifles.

Charleston (South Carolina) arsenal... 9,280  5,720  2,000

North Carolina arsenal…………… 15,403    9,520  2,000

Augusta (Georgia) arsenal………. 12,880     7,620  2,000

Mount Vernon, Alabama …………9,280      5,720   2,000

Baton Rouge, Louisiana …………18,520    11,420   2,000

"The arms thus transferred, which were at the Charleston arsenal, the Mount Vernon arsenal, and the Baton Rouge arsenal, have been seized by the authorities of the several States of South Carolina, Alabama, and Louisiana, and are no longer in possession of the Ordnance Department. Those stored at the Augusta arsenal and at North Carolina are still in charge of officers of this Department.

"In addition to the foregoing, there have been transfers from the armories to different arsenals, as the exigencies of the service demanded, for immediate issues to the army and to the States, under the act of April 23, 1808, and which I infer are not intended to be embraced in the call of the House of Representatives."

On the 29th of October, 1860, General Winfield Scott sent to the President and Secretary of War a letter, containing " views suggested by the imminent danger of a disruption of the Union by the secession of one or more of the Southern States." In this paper he suggested certain measures of precaution which should be taken by the Government to prevent the anticipated disruption. Why they were not adopted will presently appear. So much of them as appertain to the steps proper for the Government to take, were as follows: —

"From a knowledge of our Southern population it is my solemn conviction that there is some danger of an early act of rashness preliminary to secession, viz., the seizure of some or Page 124 all of the following posts: Forts Jackson and St. Philip in the Mississippi, below New Orleans, both without garrisons; Fort Morgan, below Mobile, without a garrison; Forts Pickens and McRae, Pensacola harbor, with an insufficient garrison for one; Fort Pulaski, below Savannah, without a garrison; Forts Moultrie and Sumter, Charleston harbor, the former with an insufficient garrison, and the latter without any; and Fort Monroe, Hampton Roads, without a sufficient garrison. In my opinion, all these works should be immediately so garrisoned as to make any attempt to take any one of them, by surprise or coup de main, ridiculous.

"With the army faithful to its allegiance, and the navy probably equally so, and with a Federal Executive, for the next twelve months, of firmness and moderation, which the country has a right to expect—moderation being an element of power not less than firmness—there is good reason to hope that the danger of secession may be made to pass away without one conflict of arms, one execution, or one arrest for treason. "In the mean time it is suggested that exports should remain as free as at present; all duties, however, on imports, collected, (outside of the cities,*) as such receipts would be needed for the national debt, invalid pensions, &c, and only articles contraband of war be refused admittance. But even this refusal would be unnecessary, as the foregoing views eschew the idea of invading a seceded State.

                                                     "Winfield Scott.

       "NEW YORK, October 29, 1860."

The copy sent to Secretary of War, Floyd, contains these additional remarks:

"It will be seen that the 'Views' only apply to a case of secession that makes a gap in the present Union. The falling off say of Texas, or of all the Atlantic States, from the Potomac south, was not within the scope of General S.'s provisional remedies.

"It is his opinion that instructions should be given, at once, to the commanders of the Barancas, Forts Moultrie and Monroe, to be on their guard against surprises and coups de main. As to regular approaches, nothing can be said or done, at this time, without volunteers.

"There is one (regular) company at Boston, one here, (at the Narrows,) one at Pittsburgh, one at Augusta, Georgia, and one at Baton Rouge—in all five companies only, within reach, to garrison or reinforce the forts mentioned in the 'Views.'

"General Scott is all solicitude for the safety of the Union. He is, however, not without hope that all dangers and difficulties will pass away without leaving a scar or painful recollection behind.

"The Secretary's most obedient servant, "October 30, 1860.           W. S."

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* In forts or on board ships of war. The great aim and object of this plan was to gain time— say eight or ten months—to await expected measures of conciliation on the part of the North, and the" subsidence of angry feelings In the opposite quarter.

The part taken by the Secretary of War in favor of the seceding States was not made apparent until some months later. On the 1st of April, three months after the resignation of the Secretary, there appeared at Richmond, Virginia, a eulogy of him which vindicates his patriotism to the Confederate States by a statement of facts:

"All who have attended to the developments! of the last three months, and know aught of the' movements of the Buchanan Administration up to the time of Floyd's resignation, will justify the assertion that the Southern Confederacy would not and could not be in existence at this hour but for the action of the late Secretary of War. The plan invented by General Scott to stop secession was, like all campaigns devised by him, very able in its details, and nearly certain of general success. The Southern States are full of arsenals and forts, commanding their rivers and strategic points. General Scott desired to transfer the army of the United States to these forts as speedily and as quietly as possible. Had he succeeded in doing so, revolution would have been paralyzed in the whole South, and the submissionist party would have been organized on a very different footing from what we now know. The Southern States could not have cut off communication between the Government and the forts without a great fleet, which they cannot build for years, or take them by land without one hundred thousand men, many hundred millions of dollars, and several campaigns, and many a bloody siege. Had General Scott been enabled to get those forts in the condition he desired them to1 be, the Southern Confederacy would not now exist.

"But the cooperation of the Secretary of War is necessary to the movement of troops; and in lieu of cooperating, the Secretary of War thwarted, objected, resisted, and forbade. Every day saw the battle fought in President Buchanan's Cabinet, and every day the solitary champion of the South was forced closer to the corner of the wall. That day came when he was fairly beaten. He resigned, but not with stealth or shame; he resigned with a clap of thunder. While the Administration was giving the orders for the military occupation of the Southern country, it was actually in negotiation with the Commissioners of South Carolina. This fact, if made clearly manifest, sufficiently unveiled the design and the character of the Cabinet, and, causing his resignation to turn on that specification, the Secretary drew the eyes of the entire world on that one focus. The Southern leaders awoke to a sense of their position, and perceiving that if they gave n week's respite to a plot actually in course of execution they were hopelessly lost, they sent over the country the orders which led to the popular seizure of all the forts in the South except two."

By these movements the seceding States were protected from the military arm of the Government. Page 125 The plans for combined operations were concerted at Washington, and made known to the public through the press of that city in the following manner. The leading print said:

"The subjoined communication, disclosing the designs of those who have undertaken to lead the movement now threatening a permanent dissolution of the Union, comes to us from a distinguished citizen of the South, who formerly represented his State with great distinction in the popular branch of Congress. Temporarily sojourning in this city, he has become authentically informed of the facts recited in the subjoined letter, which he communicates to us under a sense of duty, and for the accuracy of which he makes himself responsible. Nothing but assurances coming from such an intelligent, reliable source, could induce us to accept the authenticity of these startling statements, which so deeply concern not only the welfare but the honor of the Southern people."

                                           WASHINGTON, January 9, 1861.

I charge that on last Saturday night a caucus was held in this city by the Southern Secession Senators from Florida, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas, and Texas. It was then and there resolved in effect to assume to themselves the political power of the South, and, to control all political and military operations for the present, they telegraphed to complete the plan of seizing forts, arsenals, and custom-houses, and advised the Conventions now in session, and soon to assemble, to pass ordinances for immediate secession; but, in order to thwart any operations of the Government here, the Conventions of the seceding States are to retain their representations in the Senate and the House.

They also advised, ordered, or directed the assembling of a Convention of Delegates from the seceding States at Montgomery on the 15th of February. This can of course only be done by the revolutionary conventions usurping the powers of the people and sending delegates over whom they will lose all control in the establishment of a Provisional Government, which is the plan of the dictators.

This caucus also resolved to take the most effectual means to dragoon the Legislatures of Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, Arkansas, Texas, and Virginia into following the seceding States. Maryland is also to be influenced by such appeals to popular passion as have led to the revolutionary steps which promise a conflict with the State and Federal Governments in Texas.

They have possessed themselves of all the avenues of information in the South—the telegraph, the press, and the general control of the postmasters. They also confidently rely upon defections in the army and navy.

The spectacle here presented is startling to contemplate. Senators intrusted with the representative sovereignty "of the States, and sworn to support the Constitution of the United States, while yet acting as the privy councillors of the President, and anxiously looked to by their constituents to effect some practical plan of adjustment, deliberately conceive a conspiracy for the overthrow of the Government through the military organizations, the dangerous secret order of the Knights of the Golden Circle, " Committees of Safety," Southern Leagues, and other agencies at their command: they have instituted as thorough a military and civil despotism as ever cursed a maddened country.

It is not difficult to foresee the form of government which a Convention thus hurriedly thrown together at Montgomery will irrevocably fasten upon a deluded and unsuspecting people. It must essentially be "a monarchy founded upon military principles," or it cannot endure. Those who usurp power never fail to forge strong chains.

It may be too late to sound the alarm. Nothing may be able to arrest the action of revolutionary tribunals whose decrees are principally in "secret sessions." But I call upon the people to pause and reflect before they are forced to surrender every principle of liberty, or to fight those who are becoming their masters rather than their servants.       EATON.

A letter from Washington to the Baltimore press, of the 10th, made this statement: "The leaders of the Southern movement are consulting as to the best mode of consolidating their interests into a Confederacy under a Provisional Government. The plan is to make Senator Hunter, of Virginia, Provisional President, and Jefferson Davis Commander-in-Chief of the army of defence. Mr. Hunter possesses in a more eminent degree the philosophical characteristics of Jefferson than any other statesman now living. Colonel Davis is a graduate of West Point, was distinguished for gallantry at Buena Vista, and served as Secretary of War under President Pierce, and is not second to General Scott in military science or courage."

It is charged above that the caucus met on Saturday night, January 5th. A despatch from Washington, under the date of January 6th, appeared in the Charleston press on Monday, January 7th, relating to the same caucus, and was as follows:

                                                        "WASHINGTON, January 6.

"The Senators from those of the Southern States which have called Conventions of their people met in caucus last night, and adopted the following resolutions:

"Resolved, That we recommend to our respective States immediate secession.

"Resolved, That we recommend the holding of a General Convention of the said States, to be holden in the city of Montgomery, Alabama, at some period not later than the 15th day of February, 1861.

"These resolutions were telegraphed this evening to the Conventions of Alabama, Mississippi, and Florida. A third resolution is also known to have been adopted, but it is of a confidential character, not to be divulged ot present. There was a good deal of discussion in the caucus on the question of whether the seceding States ought to continue their delegations in Congress till the 4th of March, to prevent unfriendly legislation, or whether the Representatives of the seceding States should all resign together, and leave a clear field to the Opposition to pass such hills, looking to coercion, as they may see fit. It is believed that the opinion that they should remain prevailed."

The Senators who represented the States above mentioned were as follows:

Alabama—Benjamin Fitzpatrick, C. C. Clay, jr.

Arkansas—R. W. Johnson, Wm. K. Sebastian.

Georgia—Robert Toombs, Alfred Iverson.

Louisiana—J. P. Benjamin, John Slidell.

Mississippi—Jefferson Davis, Albert G. Brown.

Texas.—John Hemphill, Louis T. Wigfall.

Florida—David L. Yulee * S. R. Mallory.

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* On the capture of Fernandina, In Florida, by the Federal troops, in March, 1862, numerous letters and papers were found in the houses abandoned by the inhabitants, among which was the following letter. Its statement of facts coincides so accurately with the representations of Page 126

The subsequent progress of events has served to show how accurate was the intelligence, and how deliberate was the inception of the plot devised against the integrity of the Union and the stability of the Government; for the events which have marked the progress of secession since that time have been but the fulfilment of the programme prescribed by this Senatorial caucus. The leaders of the disunion movement did "assume to themselves the political power of the South." They did control "all political and military operations." Forts, arsenals, and custom-houses were seized in obedience to telegraphic orders. (See FORTS.) State Conventions did pass ordinances of immediate and separate secession. A Convention of delegates from the seceding States was held at Montgomery in pursuance of the plan proposed, and these delegates were arbitrarily appointed by the several State Conventions whose members had been elected with no reference whatever to any such ulterior functions. (See CONGRESS, CONFEDERATE.) "Defections from the army and navy" were openly rewarded by promotions in the "Southern service."

The principal features in all these proceedings in the different States were these: they were prompt, conducted in secret sessions, and afterwards enforced by the State authorities. The people had no calm, deliberate voice in the matter. In some instances the authority calling the State Convention expressly forbid the others who are well known, that there can be no doubt of its authenticity. Washington, January 7,1861.

My dear Sir:—On the other side Is a copy of resolutions adopted at a consultation of the Senators from the seceding States, in which Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana, Arkansas, Texas, Mississippi, and Florida were present The idea of the meeting was that the States should go out nt once and provide for the early organization of a Confederate Government, not later than the 15th of February. This time is allowed to enable Louisiana and Texas to participate. It seemed to be the opinion that If we left here, force loan, and volunteer bills might he passed, which would put Mr. Lincoln in immediate condition for hostilities; whereas, by remaining in our places until the 15th of March, it is thought we can keep the hands of Mr. Buchanan tied, and disable the Republicans from effecting any legislation which will strengthen the hands of the incoming Administration.

The resolutions will be sent by the delegation to the President of the Convention. I have not been able to find Mr. Mallory this morning. Hawkins [the Representative from Florida] is In Connecticut I have, therefore, thought it best to send you this copy of the resolutions. 

In haste, yours truly.                     D. L. YULEE. J. S.

   Finnegan, Sovereign Convention.

Resolved. That in our opinion, each of the Southern States should, as soon as may be, secede from the Union.

Resolved, That provision should be made for a Convention to organize a Confederacy of the seceding States, the Convention to meet not later than the 15th of February, at 'the City of Montgomery, in the State of Alabama.

Resolved, That in view of the hostile legislation that is threatened against the seceding States, and which may be consummated before the 4th of March, we ask instructions whether the delegations are to remain in Congress until that date for the purpose of defeating such legislation.

Resolved, That a Committee be and are hereby appointed, consisting of Messrs. Davis, Slidell, and Mallory, to carry out the objects of this meeting.

In accordance with these resolutions, the ordinances of secession were passed as follows:—Mississippi. January 9th; Alabama and Florida, January 11th; Louisiana, January 2iltb; Texas, February 1st Trio Confederate Congress met at Montgomery on February 4th, and President Davis was Inaugurated February 13th. passage of an ordinance of secession which should be binding, unless it was ratified by the people.

On the 19th of January a committee in the Mississippi Legislature reported a series of resolutions to provide for a Southern Confederacy and the establishment of a Provisional Government. On this same day, Governor Pickens, of South Carolina, sent by telegraph the following despatch to the Commissioner, A. B. Jackson, from that State to Mississippi: "Please urge Mississippi to send delegates to the Montgomery meeting of States, at as early a day as possible—say 4th February—to form immediately a strong Provisional Government. It is the only thing to prevent war, and let that Convention elect immediately a Commander-in-Chief for the seceding States."

The State Conventions of South Carolina and Alabama urged the Montgomery Congress, and hence, in the Conventions of all the seceding States, delegates were appointed to this Congress. Among others was Howell Cobb, of Georgia, who resigned his position of Secretary of the Treasury of the United States on the l0th day of December, 1860.

So loyal, however, were the people of some of the States, and particularly Louisiana, to the Union, that notwithstanding all the steps of disunion, they still hoped the end would be a reunion. They looked to the fact that the border States remained in the Union as an assurance that they, through the mediation of these States, could be received back after the delirium of secession was over. They openly declared that if, as people of the Gulf States, they could obtain the assurance of a faithful enforcement of the Constitution, in some such form as the Crittenden bill suggested, they would coerce the seceders. They said that at that time there was in favor of the Union and the clearly guaranteed rights of the South under the Constitution of the United States, a vast majority of the people of the Gulf States; and that a compromise on such a basis would put down all who should exclaim against its provisions.

These sentiments in favor of reconstruction were rebuked in the most decided manner by the Georgia State Convention. That body refused to vote for any person as a member of the Confederate Congress, until he had given assurance that he would, under no contingency, favor reconstruction. It has been stated that the authorities of each State aided the efforts of the Conventions by enforcing the ordinance of secession. These efforts were thoroughly done. All the United States property, whether forts, arsenals, custom-houses, or light-houses, was taken. Not a vestige of the authority of the Federal Government was suffered to remain excepting the Post-Office Department. On the 4th of February the delegates to the Confederate Congress assembled at Montgomery, in Alabama. (See CONGRESS, CONFEDERATE.) Their first duties consisted in preparing a form of organization for themselves and the Page 127 states which they represented. This resulted in a Provisional Constitution, to continue in operation for one year. Under this Constitution, Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was elected President, and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, Vice-President. On the 16th of February, Mr. Davis arrived at Montgomery, to be inaugurated and to enter upon the duties of his office. Ho was greeted with an ovation, to which he responded in an address reviewing the position of the South. He said; "The time for compromise has now passed, and the South is determined to maintain her position, and make all who oppose her smell Southern powder and feel Southern steel if coercion is persisted in. He had no doubts as to the result. He said we will maintain our rights and government at all hazards. We ask nothing, we want nothing; we will have no complications. If the other States join our Confederation they can freely come in on our terms. Our separation from the old Union is now complete. No compromise, no reconstruction is now to be entertained."

After reaching the Exchange Hotel he again addressed the crowd from the balcony as follows: "Fellow-citizens and brethren of the Confederated States of America—for now we are brethren, not in name merely, but in fact— men of one flesh, one bone, one interest, one purpose, of identity of domestic institutions— we have henceforth, I trust, a prospect of living together in peace, with our institutions subject to protection, and not to defamation. It may be that our career will be ushered in in the "midst of a storm; it may be that, as this morning opened with clouds, rain, and mist, we shall have to encounter inconveniences at the beginning; but, as the sun rose and lifted the mist, it dispersed the clouds and left us the pure sunlight of heaven. So will progress the Southern Confederacy, and carry us safe into the harbor of constitutional liberty and political equality. We shall fear nothing, because of homogeneity at home and nothing abroad to awe us; because, if war should come, if we must again baptize in blood the principles for which our fathers bled in the Revolution, we shall show that we are not degenerate sons, but will redeem the" pledges they gave, preserve the rights they transmitted to us, and prove that Southern valor still shines as bright as in 1776, in 1812, and in every other conflict."

In concluding his speech, Mr. Davis said: "I thank you, my friends, for the kind manifestations of favor and approbation you exhibit on this occasion. Throughout my entire progress to this city I have received the same flattering demonstrations of support. I did not regard them as personal to myself, but tendered to me as the humble representative of the principles and policy of the Confederate States. I will devote to the duties of the high office to which I have been called all I have of heart, of head, and of hand. If, in the progress of events; it shall become necessary that my services be needed in another position—if, to be plain, necessity" require that I shall again enter the ranks of soldiers—I hope you will welcome me there. And now, my friends, again thanking you for this manifestation of your approbation, allow me to bid you good night."

The inauguration took place at Montgomery, on the 18th of February. The hill on which the Capitol is situated, was crowded with the wealth and beauty, the soldiers and citizens from the different States. In the evening the city was gorgeously illuminated. The President held a levee at Estelle Hall—bands of music played, fireworks were displayed, and a grand and general demonstration was made. (For Inaugural Address see PUBLIC DOCUMENTS.)

The cabinet officers of this new Government were as follows: Secretary of State, Robert Toombs; Secretary of the Treasury, Chas. G. Memminger; Secretary of War, L. Pope Walker. Mr. Stephens appeared in Congress and took the oath of office and entered upon his duties. (See CONGRESS, CONFEDERATE.)

Several new questions now arose for immediate decision. All the other States of the Union were to the new Confederacy parts of a foreign country. Goods from those States were required to enter at the custom-houses of the Confederacy, and all vessels bound to foreign ports received a clearance in the name of the Confederate States.

The mouths of the Mississippi River being in the State of Louisiana, that State, upon her secession from the Union, undertook to collect the duties upon the foreign goods imported, and to appropriate them to her own use. These goods, when destined to ports up the Mississippi or Ohio, within the United States, became subject to the duties imposed by the tariff of the Union. How should this difficulty be adjusted? The Convention of Louisiana passed a resolution pledging the faith of the State to preserve the navigation of the Mississippi free. But this proposition looked to the future, and never was of any benefit. The prospect of a close shutting up of the mouths of the Mississippi to the trade of the Western States, was the most alarming and irritating event which could be presented to the minds of their citizens. It was equally alarming to see that outlet in the possession of a foreign power. Even Kentucky could not retain her calmness under such an anticipation. This was her language: "No doubt, when the Cotton States Government shall go into full operation, the revenue laws of Louisiana, so far as the exaction of duties is concerned, will be substituted by the revenue laws of that Government, and we greatly fear that, unless the favorite old Southern theory of free trade shall prevail, the Government will exact, as Louisiana now does, duties on goods passing up the Mississippi for States out of the Southern Confederacy. It is in vain for any man to attempt to disguise or conceal the fact that, unless the Southern States that have suffered themselves to be precipitated into revolution can be won back, the most dreadful of all Page 128 national calamities, a bloody and devastating and desolating war, enlisting the fiercest and most destructive energies of hundreds of thousands of men, is as inevitable as the fulfilment of the decrees of God."

It was a question in which much interest was manifested, after the inauguration of the new Government, what its policy would be in relation to the Federal Union. It was soon indirectly made known in the following language: "It will be the policy of the new Government to preserve the status quo of affairs until the 4th of March, when the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln will enable him to indicate the course his Administration will pursue towards the Southern Confederacy. The hope is not yet entirely relinquished that more rational counsels may prevail at Washington, and that, 'making a virtue of necessity,' the Republicans will abandon their idea of coercion, and by a peaceful and conciliatory policy endeavor to preserve all that their folly has not entirely lost to them—commercial relations with the South. It is probable that one of the first acts of the new Government will be to send a commission to Washington, to treat for a peaceable and equitable arrangement of matters between the two Republics—the acknowledgment of our independence, the surrender of the forts, a fair division of the public property and of the public debt. Until it is known how our commissioners will be received, and whether the Federal Government is willing to treat for the peaceable and equitable adjustment of these matters, it would be unwise to take any steps that would be likely to precipitate hostilities. We should prepare for the worst while we hope for the best. As the moral sense of a very large portion of the North is on our side, we should do nothing rashly to forfeit our just claim to the fair judgment of that portion of our late confederates, who are blameless for the causes which led to the disruption of the Union and forced the South to assume her present attitude towards the Federal Government."

Military preparations, however, were not neglected. The States of the South, like those of the North, were, with insignificant exceptions, destitute of any well-organized military force. Excepting officers of the army and navy of the United States, and a few others who had survived the Mexican war, military experience and knowledge were most defective. Munitions of war were also lacking. Nevertheless the military spirit of the people was of the first order. Signs of a new life were seen. The powder mills in Pickens district, South Carolina, commenced manufacturing some fifty kegs a day. A contract for three thousand shot and shells for South Carolina was taken in Savannah; another for casting cannon-balls and grape was taken in Mobile. Recruiting for the regular army of Georgia commenced in all parts of the State. Small squads of recruits from Tennessee were passing to South Carolina. One of the delegates of the Confederate Congress publicly declared their purpose in these words: "We intend to put the strongest force in the field which can be raised, and the President will accept from the States all the men that may be tendered. They will be received with their own officers, but the President must settle all questions of rank and position under the authority of Congress."

The plan adopted at this time by Congress, for the regular army of the Confederate States was that it should consist of 10,483 men, rank and file—100 of whom will be of the engineer corps; 3,372 of the artillery; 763 of the cavalry; 6,296 of the infantry. There will be 111 companies, 9 colonels, 8 lieutenant-colonels, 21 majors, 115 captains, 150 first lieutenants, 180 second lieutenants, 450 sergeants, 450 corporals, 8,878 privates, and 222 musicians. The pay of a colonel is $2,340 to $2,520, according to the corps of the service; of a lieutenant-colonel, $2,040 to $2,220; of a major, $1,800 to $1,944; of a captain, $1,560 to $1,680; of a first lieutenant, $1,080 to $1,200; of a second lieutenant, $960 to $1,080. Sergeants or master-workmen of engineer corps, $34 per month; corporals or overseers, $20; privates of first-class, or artificers, $17; do. second-class, or laborers and musicians, $13; sergeant-major of cavalry, $21 per month; first sergeant, $20; sergeant, $17; farriers and blacksmiths, $13; privates, $12; in infantry, privates $11. Forage, fuel, and quarters additional to pay, and ten cents per mile mileage when travelling on duty. As each State adopted an ordinance of secession, large numbers of their citizens who were officers of the Federal army and navy, resigned their commissions and entered the service of the Confederate States. On the 3d of March General G. T. Beauregard, one of these officers who had thus resigned, was ordered from New Orleans, to take the command of the Confederate forces at Charleston.

On the 6th of March Congress passed an act, which was approved by President Davis, authorizing a military force of 100,000 men to be raised.

The principles upon which this new nation, now rising up before the world, as its authors believed, was to be founded, were very fully declared by the second officer of the Government, Mr. Stephens, in a speech delivered to the citizens of Savannah, Georgia. In the first place, the Constitution of the United States was adopted, with some alterations and additions. In those alterations and additions consisted all the objections that could be entertained to their previous form of government. After stating several changes of minor importance, he thus proceeded to explain the great and cardinal feature of distinction between the Government of the Confederate States and that of the United States:

"The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our Page 129 peculiar institutions—African slavery as it exists among us—the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this, as the 'rock upon 'which the old Union would split.' He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution were, that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws, of nature; that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with; but the general opinion of the men of that day was, that, somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in "the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitution, it is true, seemed every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a Government built upon it was wrong—when the 'storm came and the wind blew, it fell.'

"Our new Government is founded upon exactly the opposite ideas; its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery, subordination to the superior race, is his natural and moral condition. This, our new Government, is the first in the history of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its development, like all other truths in the various departments of science. It is so even amongst us. Many who hear mo, perhaps, can recollect well that this truth was not generally admitted, even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to these errors with a zeal above knowledge, we justly denominate fanatics. All fanaticism springs from an aberration of the mind; from a defect in reasoning. It is a species of insanity. One of the most striking characteristics of insanity, in many instances, is forming correct conclusions from fancied or erroneous premises; so with the anti-slavery fanatics: their conclusions are right if their premises are. They assume that the negro is equal, and hence conclude that he is entitled to equal privileges and rights with the white man. If their premises were correct, their conclusions would be logical and just; but their premises being wrong, their whole argument fails. I recollect once of having heard a gentleman from one of the Northern States, of great power and ability, announce in the House of Representatives, with imposing effect, that we of the South would be compelled, ultimately, to yield upon this subject of slavery; that it was as impossible to war successfully against a principle in politics, es it was in physics or mechanics. That the principle would ultimately prevail. That we, in maintaining slavery as it exists with us, were warring against a principle—a principle founded in nature, the principle of the equality of man. The reply I made to him was, that upon his own grounds we should succeed, and that he and his associates in their crusade against our institutions would ultimately fail. The truth announced, that it was as impossible to war successfully against a principle in politics as well as in physics and mechanics, I admitted, but told him that it was he and those acting with him who were warring against a principle. They were attempting to make things equal which the Creator had made unequal.

"In the conflict thus far, success has been on our side, complete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our social fabric is firmly planted; and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recognition of this principle throughout the civilized and enlightened world.

"As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in development, as all truths are, and ever have been, in the various branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by Galileo—it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of political economy. It was so with Harvey, and his theory of the circulation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical profession, living at the time of the announcement of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now they are universally acknowledged. May we not therefore look with confidence to the ultimate universal acknowledgment of the truths upon which our system rests? It is the first Government ever instituted upon principles in strict conformity to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in furnishing the materials of human society. Many Governments have been founded upon the principles of certain classes; but the classes thus enslaved, were of the same race, and in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of nature's laws. The negro by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. The architect, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper material—the granite—then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we know that it is the best, not only for the superior hut for the inferior race, that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the Page 130 Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His ordinances or to question them. For His own purposes He has made one race to differ from another as He has made 'one star differ from another in glory.'

"The great objects of humanity are best attained, when conformed to his laws and decrees, in the formation of Governments as well as in all things else. Our Confederacy is founded upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was rejected by the first builders, 'is become the chief stone of the corner' in our new edifice.

"I have been asked, what of the future? It has been apprehended by some, that we would have arrayed against us the civilized world. I care not who or how many they may be, when we stand upon the eternal principles of truth we are obliged and must triumph.

"Thousands of people, who begin to understand these truths, are not yet completely out of the shell; they do not see them in their length and breadth. We hear much of the civilization and Christianization of the barbarous tribes of Africa. In my judgment, those ends will never be obtained but by first teaching them the lesson taught to Adam, that 'in the sweat of thy brow shalt thou eat bread,' and teaching them to work, and feed, and clothe themselves.

"But to pass on. Some have propounded the inquiry, whether it is practicable for us to go on with the Confederacy without further accessions. Have we the means and ability to maintain nationality among the powers of the earth? On this point I would barely say, that as anxious as we all have been, and are, for the Border States, with institutions similar with ours, to join us, still we are abundantly able to maintain our position, even if they should ultimately make up their minds not to cast their destiny with ours. That they ultimately will join us, be compelled to do it, is my confident belief; but we can get on very well without them, even if they should not.

"We have all the essential elements of a high national career. The idea has been given out at the North, and even in the Border States, that we are too small and too weak to maintain a separate nationality. This is a great mistake. In extent of territory we embrace 564,000 square miles and upwards. This is upwards of 200,000 square miles more than was included within the limits of the original thirteen States. It is an area of country more than double the territory of France or the Austrian Empire. France, in round numbers, has but 212,000 square miles. Austria, in round numbers, has 248,000 square miles. Ours is greater than both combined. It is greater than all France, Spain, Portugal, and Great Britain, including England, Ireland, and Scotland together. In population we have upwards of 5,000,000, according to the census of 1860; this includes white and black. The entire population, including white and black, of the original thirteen States, was less than 4,000,000 in 1700, and still less in 1776, when the independence of our fathers was achieved. If they, with a less population, dared maintain their independence against the greatest power on earth, shall we have any apprehension of maintaining ours now?"

The population of the seceding States in 1860, was as follows:

White.    Free Colored.     Slave.

626,584 2,630 485,182 824,186 187 111,104 77,778 90S 61.753 691,688 8.459 462.282 857,642 16,638 838,010 853,900 731 486,(S6 681,4S9 80,097 881.081 591,623 9.648 402.W1 626,52S 7,235 275,784 421,411 889 180,683 1,04T,618 57,574 490,887

On the 12th of February the Congress assumed charge of the questions pending between the several States of the Confederacy and the Government of the United States, relating to the occupation of forts, arsenals, dockyards, and other public establishments, and directed that act to be communicated to the several States; and, again, on the 15th of March, they recommended the several States to cede the forts, arsenals, dockyards, and other public establishments within their respective limits, to the Confederate States, and in case of such cession, authorized and empowered the President to take charge of this property. It was also provided, by an act passed on the 28th of February, that the President be authorized and directed to assume control of all military operations between the Confederate States, or any of them, and powers foreign to them; and he was authorized to receive from the several States the arms and munitions of war acquired from the United States, and then in the forte, arsenals, and navy yards of said States, and all other arms and munitions which they might desire to turn over and make chargeable to the Confederate Government.

In response to these ordinances, the State of Georgia, on the 20th of March, authorized the Confederate States to occupy, use, and hold possession of all forts, navy yards, arsenals, custom-houses, and other public sites, with their appurtenances, within the limits of said State, and lately in possession of the United States, and to repair, rebuild, and control the same at its discretion until the ordinance should be repealed by a Convention of the people of that State. By another ordinance of the same date and authority, the control of all military operations in that State having reference to or connected with questions between that State, or any of the Confederate States, and powers foreign to them, was transferred to the charge of the Confederate Government. In like manner, the arms and munitions of war, armed vessels and steamers, acquired from the United Page 131 States, were transferred to the Confederate Government, which thereupon became accountable for the same.

In like manner South Carolina transferred the public property seized from the United States by her authorities to the Confederate Government. This was done on the 8th of April.

Texas transferred the same within her limits on the 20th of March.

Subsequently Arkansas transferred the arsenal at Little Rock, and the site, buildings, and appurtenances of the hospital at Napoleon, subject to certain conditions and stipulations. The States of Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, and North Carolina pursued the same course. Mississippi transferred also the arms obtained by purchase before her secession. These were sufficient to supply ten or eleven regiments.

Early in the month of March commissioners were sent to England, France, Russia, and Belgium, to ask the recognition of the Confederate States as a member of the family of nations, and to make with each of those powers treaties of amity and commerce. These appointments were made and the instructions given in pursuance of resolutions adopted at the previous session of Congress.

Commissioners were  also sent to Washington, who arrived at that city on the 5th of March. They were John Forsyth, Martin J. Crawford, and A. B. Roman, appointed under a resolution of Congress requesting it, and for the purpose of making a settlement of all questions of disagreement between the Government of the United States and that of the Confederate States "upon principles of right, justice, equity, and good faith." Upon the arrival of the commissioners at Washington, an informal notice was given to the Secretary of State, and the explanation of the object of their mission was postponed to the 12th of March. On that day they addressed Secretary Seward, informing him of the purpose of their arrival, and stating their wish to make to the Government of the United States overtures for the opening of negotiations, and assuring that Government that the President, Congress, and people of the Confederate States desired a peaceful solution of the questions of disagreement between them; and that it was neither their interest nor their wish to make any demand which was not founded on the strictest principles of justice, nor to do any act of injury to their late sister States.

A memorandum, bearing date March 15th, was delivered, as the reply to this communication, on the 8th of April, and then upon the request of the secretary of the commissioners, for an answer to their note. This length of time was permitted to elapse by the commissioners, who waived all questions of form with the design of avoiding war if possible. For the details of thi3 correspondence see United States. All negotiation upon the basis on which the commissioners desired to place it, failed. Official intercourse with them was declined by Secretary Seward.

Meantime the Government of the Confederacy was becoming more completely organized. All the courts, with the exception of those of Mississippi and Texas, had been organized by the appointment of marshals and district attorneys, and were prepared for the exercise of their functions. The applications for patents averaged seventy per month, although the laws fully organizing the department had not been enacted. Regulations were devised and put in execution, respecting the collection of re venue on goods brought by the various railways entering the territory of the Confederate States. These were carried into effect as early as the 20th of March. The Circular of Instructions of Secretary Memminger, provides for the location of "revenue stations" near the frontier of the Confederate States. At each station an officer was appointed, to act as a "revenue guard," whose duties were  of a supervisory nature over all merchandise introduced. "Revenue depots" were also established, each having a chief officer, with all the powers of collectors of the customs over importations by sea at ports of entry. The circular thus prescribes the duties of the officers:

"Immediately on the arrival of any railroad carriage or train, from any foreign territory contiguous to the Confederate States, at any of the revenue stations, the conductor or other person in charge shall be required to produce to the revenue guard at the first station, a manifest in triplicate of all the goods, wares, or merchandise brought into the Confederate States on board such railway carriage or train. And it is made the duty of the revenue guard, at the revenue station, to board all railway trains arriving at said station, from said foreign territory, at all hours of the day and night, to receive the manifest, and on its presentation to see that the goods described therein arc placed in separate cars from those in which mails or passengers are conveyed, and to place on each of said freight cars revenue locks of the Confederate States of America. The original manifest, properly certified, shall be returned to the conductor, and a duplicate forwarded, under seal, to the revenue officer at the first revenue depot to which the cars are destined by the shortest route.

"On the arrival of the railway train or cars at the first revenue depot within the limits of the Confederate States, the conductor shall deliver to the chief revenue officer residing thereat, the original manifest presented to and endorsed with the certificate of the revenue guard at the station aforesaid, and also deliver to the said chief revenue officer all the merchandise described in said manifest, by cither leaving at said depot all the locked cars containing the same, or depositing said goods in a warehouse of deposit at said depot, to be provided for that purpose, under the regulations now Page 132 governing bonded warehouses, or ns may be otherwise provided. On such delivery being made and an examination being instituted of the train by said revenue officer, he shall, if satisfied that all the merchandise has been delivered, furnish to the conductor or other person in charge of the train, a permit to proceed to a further destination.

"The baggage of all passengers passing over the railroad routes, on arrival at the revenue station or depots, shall be subject to the inspection and examination of either the revenue guard at such stations, or revenue officer at such revenue depots; and any baggage that may be intended to be landed at places between the revenue stations and first revenue depots, may be examined by the revenue guard, and if containing no articles subject to duty, shall be landed at the intermediate place named, by having a permit, signed by the said revenue guard, pasted permanently on the trunk, valise, carpet-bag, or other envelope of such baggage.

"Should, however, dutiable articles be found in such baggage, the trunk or other package containing the same must be placed in the car with the merchandise, and under the revenue lock as before required, and the fact noticed in the manifest. And such baggage shall be delivered, with the other merchandise, to the chief revenue' officer at the revenue depot, under the foregoing regulations.

"Passenger baggage destined for places beyond or more interior than the revenue depot, must be examined by the chief revenue officer at said revenue depot; and if they are found not to contain any merchandise subject to duty, may pass to their destination by having a permit, signed by the chief revenue officer, pasted thereon. Should, however, such baggage contain dutiable merchandise, the trunks or other package in which said baggage is contained, shall be deposited at said revenue depot."

The civil list passed by Congress, at its first session, placed the amount of appropriations for this class of objects within very moderate bounds. The items of the act were of the following proportions for each department of the Government:

"Legislative, $55,740; Executive, $33,050; Department of State, $44,200; Treasury Department, $70,800; War Department, $59,000; Navy Department, $17,300; Post-Office Department, $44,900; Judiciary, $63,200; Mint and Independent Treasury, $80,000; Foreign Intercourse, $100,000; Light-houses, $150,000; Expenses of Collecting Revenue, §545,000; Executive Mansion, $5,000; Miscellaneous, $200,000; Total, $1,468,190."

This does not embrace the aggregate for general purposes. A single bill appropriates $1,323,767, for the equipment and support of three thousand troops for twelve months. Other bills appropriated for general purposes equally large amounts, but the gigantic expenditures which were at hand, were not then contemplated. Affairs were, however, rapidly approaching a crisis. The curtain was about to be raised, which would exhibit in all their magnitude and dreadful reality the consequences which secession was about to bring upon the Confederate States.

The Commissioners to "Washington were refused an audience. The United States Government had prepared to send supplies to the handful of troops besieged in Fort Sumter. Notice of this intention was given to the Governor of South Carolina, and if the Confederate Government was in earnest in what had been done, the hour had come when the sword must be drawn. Its determination was soon taken, and its action quickly followed.

On the 8th of April, the following telegraphic correspondence commenced between the Secretary of War for the Confederate States and the Commander of the Confederate forces at Charleston harbor:

                                                CHARLESTON, April 8th.

L. P. Walker, Secretary of War:

An authorized messenger from President Lincoln just informed Governor Pickens and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise by force.

                                                         G. T. BEAUREGARD.

________

                                                          MONTCOMERY, 10th.

General G. T. Beauregard, Charleston:

If you have no doubt of the authorized character of the agent who communicated to you the intention of the Washington Government to supply Fort Sumter by force, you will at once demand its evacuation; and if this is refused, proceed in such a manner as you may determine, to reduce it. Answer.

                                       L. P. WALKER, Secretary of War.

                                   CHARLESTON, April 10.

_____________

L. P. Walker, Secretary of War:

The demand will be made to-morrow at twelve o'clock.

                                          G. T. BEAUREGARD.

______________

                                       MONTGOMERY, April 11

General Beauregard, Charleston: Unless there are especial reasons connected with your own condition, it is considered proper that you should make the demand at an early hour.

                                L. P. WALKER, Secretary of War.

_______________

                                      CHARLESTON, April 10.

L. P. Walker, Secretary of War:

The reasons are special for twelve o'clock.

                                   G. T. BEAUREGARD.

_____________

                                       CHARLESTON, April 11, 1861.

To Hon. L. P. Walker:

The demand was sent at 2 P.. M., and until fi was allowed for the answer.

                               G. T. BEAUREGARD.

Montgomery, April 11, 1861. General Beauregard, Charleston: Telegraph the reply of Major Anderson. L. P. WALKER.

                                            _______________

                                         CHARLESTON, April 11,1861.

To Hon. L. P. Walker:

Major Anderson replies: "I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication demanding the evacuation of this fort, and to say in reply thereto that it is a demand with which I regret that my sense of honor and of my obligation to my Government prevent my compliance." He adds, verbally, "I will await the first shot, and, if you do not batter us to pieces, we will be starved out in a few days."

                                         G. T. BEAUREGARD.

Page 133

Montgomery, April 11, 1861.

To General Beauregard:

Do not desire needlessly to bombard Fort Sumter. If Major Anderson will state the time at which, as indicated by himself, he will evacuate, and agree that, in the mean time, he will not use his guns against us unless ours should be employed against Fort Sumter, you are authorized thus to avoid the effusion of blood. If this or its equivalent be refused, reduce the fort, as Your judgment decides to be the most practicable.

                                                          L. P. WALKER.

­­­­­_____

CHARLESTON, April 12,1861.

To Hon. L. P. Waller:

He would not consent I write to-day.

                                                     G. T. BEAUREGARD.

______

CHARLESTON, April 12,1861.

To Hon, L. P. Walker:

We opened fire at 4.30. G. T. BEAUREGARD.

______

The fire opened at 4.30 a. m. on the 12th of April on Fort Sumter, resulted in compelling the commander of the fort to surrender. (See Sumter.) On the evening of the same day, when the people of Montgomery, Alabama, were rejoicing in the prospect that Fort Sumter would fall, the following telegraphic despatch was sent forth from that city to all parts of the United States:

"MONTGOMERY, Friday, April 12,1861.—An immense crowd serenaded President Davis and Secretary Walker, at the Exchange Hotel, tonight.

"The former is not well, and did not appear. Secretary Walker appeared and declined to make a speech, but in a few words of electrical eloquence told the news from Fort Sumter, declaring, in conclusion, that before many hours the flag of the Confederacy would float over that fortress.

"No man, he said, could tell where the war this day commenced would end, but he would prophesy that the flag which now flaunts the breeze here would float over the dome of the old Capitol at Washington before the first of May. Let them try Southern chivalry and test the extent of Southern resources, and it might float eventually over Faneuil Hall itself."

On the l5th of April, immediately after the surrender of Fort Sumter, President Lincoln Issued his message, calling forth the militia of the several States of the Union to the aggregate number of seventy-five thousand. This was immediately after an act of hostility had been committed under the authority of the Confederate Government, and forty days after an act had passed the Confederate Congress authorizing a force of one hundred thousand men to be raised.

Who commenced hostilities, is a question which must be considered as decided. "The war this day commenced," says the Secretary of War of the Confederate States. "We opened fire at 4.30 a. m.," says General Beauregard, in his despatch to the Secretary of War of the Confederate States, dated April 12th. Hostilities were commenced by order of the Government of the Confederate States. For this act President Davis felt it to be necessary to present to the world some grounds of justification. This he attempted to do in his message to the Confederate Congress, dated April 29th. In that document he states that commissioners from the Confederate States arrived in Washington on the 15th of March, authorized in a peaceful manner to adjust all questions between the two Governments. He states their communication addressed to Secretary Seward on the 12th of March, and proceeds thus:

"To this communication no formal reply was received until the 8th of April. During the interval, the commissioners had consented to waive all questions of form, with the firm resolve to avoid war if possible. They went so far even as to hold, during that long period, unofficial intercourse through an intermediary, whose high position and character inspired the hope of success, and through whom constant assurances were received from the Government of the United States of its peaceful intentions— of its determination to evacuate Fort Sumter, and further, that no measure would be introduced changing the existing status prejudicial to the Confederate States; that in the event of any change in regard to Fort Pickens, notice would be given to the commissioners.

"The crooked paths of diplomacy can scarcely furnish an example so wanting in courtesy, in candor, in directness, as was the course of the United States Government towards our commissioners in Washington. For proof of this I refer to the annexed documents, taken in connection with further facts, which I now proceed to relate:

"Early in April the attention of the whole country was attracted to extraordinary preparations for an extensive military and naval expedition in New York and other Northern ports. These preparations commenced in secrecy, for an expedition whose destination was concealed, and only became known when nearly completed; and on the 5th, 6th, and 7th of April, transports and vessels of war with troops, munitions, and military supplies, sailed from northern ports, bound southward.

"Alarmed by so extraordinary a demonstration, the commissioners requested the delivery of an answer to their official communication of the 12th of March, and the reply dated on the 15th of the previous month, from which it appears that during the whole interval, whilst the commissioners were receiving assurances calculated to inspire hope of the success of their mission, the Secretary of State and the President of the United States had already determined to hold no intercourse with them whatever—to refuse even to listen to any proposals they had to make, and had profited by the delay created by their own assurances, in order to prepare secretly the means for effective hostile operations.

"That these assurances were given has been virtually confessed by the Government of the United States, by its act of sending a messenger Page 134 to Charleston to give notice of its purpose to use force if opposed in its intention of supplying Fort Sumter.

"No more striking proof of the absence of good faith in the conduct of the Government of the United States towards the Confederacy can be required, than is contained in the circumstances which accompanied this notice.

"According to the usual course of navigation, the vessels composing the expedition, and designed for the relief of Fort Sumter, might he looked for in Charleston harbor on the 9th of April. Yet our commissioners in Washington were detained under assurances that notice should be given of any military movement. The notice was not addressed to them, but a messenger was sent to Charleston to give notice to the Governor of South Carolina, and the notice was so given at a late hour on the 8th of April, the eve of the very day on which the fleet might be expected to arrive.

"That this manoeuvre failed in its purpose, was not the fault of those who controlled it. A heavy tempest delayed the arrival of the expedition, and gave time to the commander of our forces at Charleston to ask and receive instructions of the Government. Even then, under all the provocation incident to the contemptuous refusal to listen to our commissioners, and the treacherous course of the Government of the United States, I was sincerely anxious to avoid the effusion of blood, and directed a proposal to be made to the commander of Fort Sumter, who had avowed himself to be nearly out of provisions, that we would abstain from directing our fire at Fort Sumter if he would promise to not open Are on our forces unless first attacked. This proposal was refused. The conclusion was, that the design of the United States was to place the besieging force at Charleston between the simultaneous fire of the fleet and fort. The fort should, of course, be at once reduced. This order was executed by General Beauregard with skill and success."

Subsequently, at the session of the Confederate Congress held in July, President Davis sent a message to that body in which he referred to his message of the 29th of April, in which he says:

"I referred to the course of conduct of the Government of the United States towards the commissioners of this Government, sent to Washington for the purpose of effecting, if possible, a peaceful adjustment of the pending difficulties between the two Governments. I also made allusion to an intermediary, whose high position and character inspired the hope of success;' but I was not then at liberty to make my communication on this subject as specific as was desirable for a full comprehension of the whole subject.

"It is now, however, in my power to place before you other papers, which I herewith address to you. From them you will perceive that the intermediary referred to was the lion. John A. Campbell, a Judge of the Supreme Court of the United States, who made earnest effort to promote the successful issue of the mission entrusted to our Commissioners, and by whom I was kept advised, in confidential communications, of the measures taken, by him to secure so desirable a result. It is due to you, to him, and to history, that a narration of the occurrences with which he was connected, should be known."

He also states that he was prompted to call the Congress together, in extraordinary session, on April 29th, "not by reason of the declarations contained in the proclamation of President Lincoln of the 15th of April. My proclamation convoking you was issued on the 12th of April, and was prompted by the declaration of hostile, purposes contained in the message sent by President Lincoln to the Governor of South Carolina, on the 8th of April."

The documents referred to in this message of President Davis consist of two letters of Judge Campbell to Secretary Seward, and one to President Davis, as follows:

                                WASHINGTON CITY, April 18,1861.

Sir: On the 15th of March ultimo I left with Judge Crawford, one of the commissioners of the Confederate States, a note in writing to the effect following: "1 feel entire confidence that Fort Sumter will be evacuated in the next five days. And this measure is felt as imposing great responsibility on the Administration.

"I feel entire confidence that no measure changing the existing status prejudicially to the Southern Confederate States, is at present contemplated. I feel an entire confidence that an immediate demand for an answer to the communication of the commissioners will be productive of evil and not of good. I do not believe that it ought at this time to be pressed."

The substance of this statement I communicated to 'you the same evening by letter. Five days elapsed and I called with a telegram from General Beauregard to the effect that Sumter was not evacuated, but that Major Anderson was at work making repairs.

The next day, after conversing with you, I communicated to Judge Crawford, in writing, that the failure to evacuate Sumter was not the result of bad faith, but was attributable to causes consistent with the intention to fulfil the engagement, and that, as regarded Pickens, I should have notice of any design to alter the existing status there. Mr. Justice Nelson was present at these conversations, three in number, and I submitted to him each of my written communications to Judge Crawford, and informed Judge C. that they had his (Judge Nelson's) sanction. I gave you, on the 22d of March, n substantial copy of the statement I had made on the 15th.

The 30th of March arrived, and at that time a telegram came from Governor Pickens inquiring concerning Colonel Lamon, whose visit to Charleston he supposed had a connection with the proposed evacuation of Fort Sumter. I left that with you, and was to have an answer the following Monday, (1st of April.) On the 1st of April I received from you the statement in writing: "I am satisfied the Government will not undertake to supply Fort Sumter without giving notice to Governor P." The words "I am satisfied" were for me to use as expressive of confidence in the remainder of the declaration.

The proposition as originally prepared was, " The President may desire to supply Sumter, but will not do so," &c, and your verbal explanation was that you did not believe any such attempt would be made, and that there was no design to reinforce Sumter.

There was a departure here from the pledges of the Page 135 previous month, but, with the verbal explanation, I did not consider it a matter then to complain of. I simply stated to you that I had that assurance previously.

On the 7th of April I addressed you a letter on the subject of the alarm that the preparations by the Government hod created, and asked you if the assurances I had given were well or ill-founded. In respect to Sumter your reply was, "Faith as to Sumter, fully kept—wait and see." In the morning's paper I read, “An authorized messenger from President Lincoln informed Governor Pickens and General Beauregard that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter—peaceably, or otherwise by force." This was the 8th of April, at Charleston, the day following your last assurance, and is the evidence of the full faith I was invited to wait for and see. In the same paper, I read that intercepted despatches disclosed the fact that Mr. Fox, who had been allowed to visit Major Anderson, on the pledge that his purpose was specific, employed his opportunity to devise a plan for supplying the fort by force, and that this plan had been adopted by the Washington Government, and was in process of execution. My recollection of the date of Mr. Fox's visit carries it to a day in March. I learn he is a near connection of a member of the Cabinet. My connection with the commissioners and yourself was superinduced by a conversation with Justice Nelson. He informed me of your strong disposition in favor of peace, and that you were oppressed with a demand of the commissioners of the Confederate States for a reply to their first letter, and that you desired to avoid it if possible at that time.

I told him I might perhaps be of some service in arranging the difficulty. I came to your office entirely at his request and without the knowledge of either of the commissioners. Your depression was obvious to both Judge Nelson and myself. I was gratified at the character of the counsels you were desirous of pursuing, and much impressed with your observation that a civil war might be prevented by the success of my mediation. You read a letter of Mr. Weed to show how irksome and responsible the withdrawal of troops from Sumter was. A portion of my communication to Judge Crawford on the loth March was founded upon these remarks, and the pledge to evacuate Sumter is less forcible than the words you employed. These words were: Before this letter reaches you (a proposed letter by me to President Davis) Sumter will have been evacuated.

The commissioners who received those communications conclude they have been abused and overreached. The Montgomery Government hold the same opinion. The commissioners have supposed that my communications were with you, and upon the hypothesis were prepared to arraign you before the country in connection with the President. I placed a peremptory prohibition upon this as being contrary to the term of my communications with them. I pledged myself to them to communicate information upon what I considered as the best authority, and they were to confide in the ability of myself, aided by Judge Nelson, to determine upon the credibility of my informant.

I think no candid man who will read over what I have written, and considers for a moment what is going on at Sumter, but will agree that the equivocating conduct of the Administration, as measured and interpreted in connection with these promises, is the proximate cause of the great calamity.

I have a profound conviction that the telegrams of the 6th of April of General Beauregard, and of the 10th of April of General Walker, the Secretary of War, can be referred to nothing else than their belief that there has been systematic duplicity practised on them through me. It is under an impressive sense of the weight of this responsibility that I submit to you these things for your explanation.

                 Very respectfully,

                            JOHN A. CAMPBELL,

      Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, U. S.

Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of Slate.

DESPATCHES.

                                    Charleston, April 8, 1861.

To Z. P. Walker, Secretary of War:

An authorized message from President Lincoln just informed Governor Pickens and myself that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter peaceably, or otherwise bv force.

                                                           G. T. BEAUREGARD."

                                MONTGOMERY, April 10, 1861.

General G. T. Beauregard:

If you have no doubt as to the authorized character of the agent who communicated to you the intention of the Washington Government to supply Fort Sumter by force, you will at once demand its evacuation, and if this is refused, proceed in such manner as you may determine to reduce it.

                                                   L. P. WALKER.

__________

                                     WASHINGTON, April 20,1861.

Sir: I enclose you a letter, corresponding very nearly with one I addressed to you one week ago, (13th April,) to which I have not had any reply. The letter is simply one of inquiry in reference to fact*' concerning which, I think, I am entitled to an explanation. I have not adopted any opinion in reference to them which may not be modified by explanation; nor have I affirmed in that letter, nor do I in this, any conclusion of my own unfavorable to your integrity in the whole transaction. All that I have said and mean to say is, that an explanation is due from you to myself. I will not say what I shall do in case this request is not complied with, but I am justified in saying that I shall feel at liberty to place these letters before any person who is entitled to ask an explanation of myself.

                                Very respectfully,

                                        JOHN A. CAMPBELL,

Associate Justice of the Supreme Court, U. S. Hon. Wm. H. Seward, Secretary of State.

No reply has been made to this letter.

April 24, 1861.

­­­­______

                 MONTGOMERY, ( ALABAMA,) May 7, 1861.

Sir: I submit to you two letters that were addressed by me to Hon. W. H. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States, that contain an explanation of the nature and result of an intervention by me in the intercourse of the commissioners of the Confederate States with that officer. I considered that I could perform no duty in which the entire American people, whether of the Federal Union or of the Confederate States, were more interested than that of promoting the counsels and the policy that had for their object the preservation of peace. This motive dictated my intervention. Besides the interview referred to in these letters, I informed the Assistant Secretary of State of the United States, (not being able to see the Secretary,) on the 11th of April ultimo, of the existence of a telegram of that date from General Beauregard to the commissioners, in which he informed the commissioners that he had demanded the evacuation of Sumter, and if refused he would proceed to reduce it. On the same day I had been tola that President Lincoln had said that none of the vessels sent to Charleston were war vessels, and that force was not to be used in the attempt to supply the fort. I had no means of testing the accuracy of this information, but offered that, if the information was accurate, I would send a telegram to the authorities at Charleston, and it might prevent the disastrous consequences of a collision at that fort between the opposing forces. It was the last effort that I would make to avert the calamities of war. The Assistant Secretary promised to give the matter attention, but I bad no other intercourse with him or any other person on the subject, nor have I had any reply to the letters submitted to you.

                    Very respectfully,          JOHN A. CAMPBELL.

            General Davis, President of the Confederate States.

The last letter of the commissioners to Secretary Seward was dated April 9th, in which Page 136 the commissioners say: "On the 1st of April they were again informed that there might be an attempt to supply Fort Sumter with provisions, but that Governor Pickens should have previous notice of this attempt. There was no suggestion of any reinforcements." (See UNITED STATES.)

In his Message to Congress in July, President Lincoln thus describes his actions relative to the relief of Fort Sumter:

"On the 5th of March, (the present incumbent's first full day in office,) a letter of Major Anderson, commanding at Fort Sumter, written on the 28th of February, and received at the War Department on the 4th of March, was, by that department, placed in his hands. This letter expressed the professional opinion of the writer, that reinforcements could not be thrown into that fort within the time for his relief, rendered necessary by the limited supply of provisions, and with a view of holding possession of the same, with a force of less than twenty thousand good and well-disciplined men. This opinion was concurred in by all the officers of his command, and their memoranda on the subject, were made enclosures of Major Anderson's letter. The whole was immediately laid before Lieutenant-General Scott, who at once concurred with Major Anderson in opinion. On reflection, however, he took full time, consulting with other officers, both of the army and navy, and, at the end of four days, came reluctantly, but decidedly, to the same conclusion as before. He also stated at the same time that no sufficient force was then at the control of the Government, or could be raised and brought to the ground within the time when the provisions in the fort would be exhausted. In a purely military point of view, this reduced the duty of the Administration in the case, to the mero matter of getting the garrison safely out of the fort.

"It was believed, however, that to so abandon that position, under the circumstances, would be utterly ruinous; that the necessity under which it was to be done, would not be fully understood; that by many, it would be construed as a part of a voluntary policy; that at home, it would discourage the friends of the Union, embolden its adversaries, and go far to insure to the latter a recognition abroad; that, in fact, it would be our national destruction consummated. This could not be allowed. Starvation was not yet upon the garrison; and ere it would be reached, Fort Pickens might be reinforced. This last would be a clear indication of policy, and would better enable the country to accept the evacuation of Fort Sumter, as a military necessity. An order was at once directed to be sent for the landing of the troops from the steamship Brooklyn, into Fort Pickens. This order could not go by land, but must take the longer and slower route by sea. The first return news from the order was received just one week before the fall of Fort Sumter. The news itself was, that the officer commanding the Sabine, to which vessel the troops had been transferred from the Brooklyn, acting upon some quasi armistice of the late Administration, (and of the existence of which the present Administration, up to the time the order was despatched, had only too vague and uncertain rumors to fix attention.) had refused to land the troops. To now reenforce Fort Pickens, before a crisis would be reached at Fort Sumter, was impossible—rendered so by the near exhaustion of provisions in the latter named fort. In precaution against such a Conjuncture, the Government had, a few days before, commenced preparing an expedition, as well adapted as might be, to relieve Fort Sumter, which expedition was intended to be ultimately used, or not, according to circumstances. The strongest anticipated case for using it was now presented; and it was resolved to send it forward. As had been intended, in this contingency, it was also resolved to notify the Governor of South Carolina that he might expect an attempt would be made to provision the fort; and that, if the attempt should not be resisted, there would be no effort to throw in men, arms, or ammunition, without further notice, or in case of an attack upon the fort. This notice was accordingly given; whereupon the fort was attacked, and bombarded to its fall, without even awaiting the arrival of the provisioning expedition."

On the 8th of April General Beauregard sent a despatch by telegraph to Secretary Walker, that a notice had that day been given to Governor Pickens and himself, "that provisions will be sent to Fort Sumter, peaceably or otherwise by force." Such are the facts. If the garrison of Fort Sumter had received no supplies, they must have abandoned it in a few days. If they had received supplies of provisions merely, they would have been fully as unable to have defended the fort at a future day, as they proved to have been when it was attacked. If Fort Sumter had been reenforced with men and provisions, it had no power of aggression, but its final capture by the Confederate Government would have been more difficult and distant. President Davis, however, says: "The conclusion was, that the design of the United States was to place the besieging force at Charleston between the simultaneous fire of the fleet and the fort." There were some other facts which occurred at this time of sufficient importance to excite the inquiry whether the capture of Fort Sumter was not a political necessity with the Confederate Government.

The Convention of the State of Virginia was in session at this time, but manifested no disposition to adopt an ordinance of secession, or to join the Confederate States. The bombardment of Fort Sumter begun at 4.30 o'clock on the morning of the 12th of April. At 10 o'clock on the same day the following despatch was' sent by telegraph to the President of the State Convention:

Page 137

                             MONTGOMERY, April 12—10 a. m.

Ex-President John Tyler, State Convention:

I am authorized by Hon. L. P. Walker, Secretary of War, C. S. A., to send you. the following despatches and explanatory note, preceding the bombardment of Fort Sumter, for publication.

                      Your son,              JOHN TYLER, Jr.

[Mr. Tyler was a clerk in the War Department of the Confederate States.]

The despatches consisted of copies of the telegraphic correspondence between General Beauregard and the Secretary of War of the Confederate States, to be found on a previous page.

On the evening of the day previous to the attack on the fort, ex-Congressman Pryor of Virginia, in a speech to the citizens of Charleston, made the following declarations:

"As sure as to-morrow's sun will rise upon us, just so sure will Old Virginia be a member of this Southern Confederation. (Applause.)

"And I will tell you, gentlemen, what will put her in the Southern Confederation in less than an hour by Shrewsbury clock. Strike a blow! (Tremendous applause.)

"I do not mean to say any thing for effect upon military operations. I am but a poor civilian, who never set a squadron in the field—

Nor the division of a battle note

More than a spinster:'

but I was speaking with respect to the political effects of revolution. The very moment that blood is shed, Old Virginia will make common cause with her sisters of the South. It is impossible she should do otherwise. (Applause.)

"In conclusion, accept my word for it, the moment the conflict begins, Old Virginia will dispute with South Carolina the precedence in this great combat."

Meanwhile an unquenchable military spirit was aroused in the Confederate States by the events of a few days. They determined to be folly prepared for the coming struggle, and declared that they would "meet the Northern forces with fall confidence in the justice of their cause. At this time they had a large number of troops in the field, chiefly at Charleston and Pensacola. The requisition for fifteen hundred troops from Mississippi was answered by more than three thousand volunteers, and heavy bonuses were offered for many places of those accepted. On the 17th, two days later than the proclamation of President Lincoln, one was also issued by President Davis, offering letters of marque to all persons who might desire by service in private armed vessels to aid the Government. The proclamation was as follows:

Whereas Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, has by proclamation announced the intention of invading the Confederacy with an armed force for the purpose of capturing its fortresses, and thereby subverting its independence and subjecting the free people thereof to the dominion of a foreign power; and whereas it has thus become the duty of this Government to repel the threatened invasion and defend tic rights and liberties of the people by all the means which the laws of nations and usages of civilized warfare place at its disposal:

Now, therefore, I, Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America, do issue this my proclamation, inviting all those who may desire by service in private armed vessels on the high seas to aid this Government in resisting so wanton and wicked an aggression, to make application for commissions or letters of marque and reprisal, to be issued under the seal of these Confederate States; and I do further notify all persons applying for letters of marque to make a statement in writing, giving the name and suitable description of the character, tonnage, and force of the vessel, name of the place of residence of each owner concerned therein, and the intended number of crew, and to sign such statement, and deliver the same to the Secretary of State or collector of the port of entry of these Confederate States, to be by him transmitted to the Secretary of State; and I do further notify all applicants aforesaid, before any commission or letter of marque is issued to any vessel or the owner or the owners thereof and the commander for the time being, they will be required to give bond to the Confederate States, with at least two responsible sureties not interested in such vessel, in the penal sum of five thousand dollars, or if such vessel be provided with more than one hundred and fifty men, then in the penal sum often thousand dollars, with the condition that the owners, officers, and crew who shall be employed on board such commissioned vessel shall observe the laws of these Confederate States and the instructions given them for the regulation of their conduct that shall satisfy all damages done contrary to the tenor thereof by such vessel during her commission, and deliver up the same when revoked by the President of the Confederate States; and I do further specially enjoin on all persons holding offices, civil and military, under the authority of the Confederate States, that they be vigilant and zealous in the discharge of the duties incident thereto; and I do, moreover, exhort the good people of these Confederate States, as they love their country, as they prize the blessings of free government, as they feel the wrongs of the past and those now threatened in an aggravated form by those whose enmity is more implacable because unprovoked, they exert themselves in preserving order, in promoting concord, in maintaining the authority and efficacy of the laws, and in supporting and invigorating all the measures which may be adopted for a common defence, and by which, under the blessing of Divine Providence, we may hope for a speedy, just, and honorable peace.

In witness whereof, I have set my hand and have caused the seal of the Confederate States of America to be attached this seventeenth day of April, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one.

                                               JEFFERSON DAVIS.

           Robert Toombs, Secretary of State.

The following is a copy of the form in which these letters of marque were issued:

Jefferson Davis, President of the Confederate States of America, to all who shall see these presents, greeting: Know ye that, by virtue of the power vested in me by law, I have commissioned, and do hereby commission, have authorized and do authorize the schooner or vessel called the , (more particularly described in the schedule herewith annexed,) is commander, to act as a private armed vessel in the service of the Confederate States, on the high seas, against the United States of America, their ships, vessels, goods, and effects, and those of their citizens, during the pendency of the war now existing between the said Confederate States and the said United States; this commission to continue in force until revoked by the President of the Confederate States for the time being.

Given under my hand and the seal of the Confederate States, at Montgomery, this — day of , a. o. 1861.

By the President:               JEFFERSON DAVIS.

R. Toombs, Secretary of State.

All privateers which sailed under one of Page 138 these letters of marque were required to obey the following instructions:

1. The tenor of your commission, under the act of Congress entitled " An act recognizing the existence of war between the United States and the Confederate States, and concerning letters of marque, prizes, and prize goods," a copy of which is hereto annexed, will be kept constantly in your view. The high seas referred to in your commission you will understand generally to refer to the low-water mark, but with the exception of the space within one league, or three miles, from the shore of countries at peace with the United States and the Confederate States. You will nevertheless execute your commission within that distance of the shore of the nation at war with the United States, and even on the waters within the jurisdiction of such nation, if permitted to do so.

2. You are to pay the strictest regard to the rights of neutral powers and the usages of civilized nations, and in all your proceedings towards neutral vessels you are to give them as little molestation or interruption as will consist with the right of ascertaining their neutral character, and of detaining and bringing them in for regular adjudication in the proper cases. You are particularly to avoid even the appearance of using force or seduction with the view to deprive such vessels of their crews or the passengers, other than persons in the military service of the enemy.

3. Towards enemy vessels and their crews you are to proceed, in exercising the rights of war, with all the justice and humanity which characterize this Government and its citizens.

4. The master, and one or more of the principal persons belonging to the captured vessels, are to be sent, as soon after the capture as may be, to the judge or judges of the proper court in the Confederate States, to be examined upon oath touching the interest or property of the captured vessel and her lading, and at the same time are to be delivered to the judge or judges all papers, charter parties, bills of lading, letters, and other documents and writings found on board; and the said papers to be proved by the affidavit of the commander of the captured vessel, or some other person present at the capture, to be produced as they were received, without fraud, addition, subtraction, or embezzlement.

5. Property, even of the enemy, is exempt from seizure on neutral vessels, unless it be contraband of war. If goods contraband of war are found on any neutral vessel, and the commander thereof shall offer to deliver them up, the offer shall be accepted, and the vessel left at liberty to pursue its voyage, unless the quantity of contraband goods shall be greater than can be conveniently received on board your vessel, in which case the neutral vessel may be carried into port, for the delivery of the contraband goods.

The following articles are declared by this Government contraband of war, as well as all others that are so declared by the laws of nations, viz.: All arms and implements serving for the purpose of war by land or sea, such as cannons, mortars, guns, muskets, rifles, pistols, petards, bombs, grenades, balls, shot, shell, pikes, swords, bayonets, javelins, lances, horse furniture, holsters, belts, and generally all other implements of war. Also, timber for ship-building, pitch, tar, rosin, copper in sheets, sails, hemp, cordage, and generally whatever may serve directly to the equipment of vessels, wrought iron and planks only excepted.

Neutral vessels conveying enemies' despatches or military persons in the service of the enemy forfeit their neutral character, and are liable to capture and condemnation. But this rule does not apply to neutral vessels bearing despatches from the public ministers or ambassadors of the enemy residing in neutral countries.

By the command of the President of the Confederate States.

                                                ROBERT TOOMBS,

                                                   Secretary of State.


Source: The American Annual Cyclopaedia and Register of Important Events of the Year, 1861-1865, vols. 1-5. New York: Appleton & Co., 1868.